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Bayside
State Prison
Cumberland, New Jersey
Correctional Medical Services
May 13, 2004
A New Jersey inmate infected with potentially deadly hepatitis C has filed a
federal lawsuit against the state Corrections Department and its medical
contractor, contending that his disease was left untreated for a decade after it
was detected. The suit by Jose Lopez, 49, an inmate at Bayside State
Prison in Leesburg, Cumberland County, is the latest to allege that New Jersey
neither treated inmates for the liver disease nor told them that tests had found
they were infected. Lopez, whose family lives in Lindenwold, was one of
421 inmates notified
in July 2002 that they were infected with the hepatitis C virus. The state's
mass notification came in response to an Inquirer investigation of its handling
of the disease, which can destroy the liver. "The conduct of prison
officials and medical providers was outrageous. Not to inform Mr. Lopez of a
life-threatening disease is tantamount to watching a person having a heart
attack and sit idly by," said Lopez's Philadelphia lawyer, Mark B. Frost,
who filed the suit Friday in Camden. The Department of Corrections
declined to comment on the lawsuit. A spokesman for the department's medical
contractor, the St. Louis-based Correctional Medical Services Inc., said he had
not reviewed the lawsuit and could not immediately comment. Lopez, a
career criminal who has been in prison since 1983, tested positive for the
hepatitis virus in 1992, the suit said. By the time he was notified 10 years
later, it said, his health had seriously deteriorated. He has since
developed bleeding ulcers, a sign of liver cirrhosis caused by hepatitis C,
medical records show. In addition to Lopez, several other current and
former New Jersey prisoners have sued the Department of Corrections and
Correctional Medical Services - the largest prison health company in the
nation. (Times Leader)
Bo Robinson Treatment Center
Trenton, New Jersey
Community Education Centers
January 21, 2010 The Star-Ledger
State authorities are conducting a sweeping search for contraband at the Bo
Robinson Treatment Center today, and one union official said they're hunting for
a firearm. The private facility, run by West Caldwell-based Community Education
Centers, is located on an industrial road just off Route 1. With a capacity of
up to 900 people, it houses state and county inmates as well as offenders under
parole supervision. Jim McGonigal, president of the New Jersey Law Enforcement
Supervisors Association, which represents sergeants, said authorities found cell
phones, alcohol and drugs in the facility last night. Now, acting on a tip, he
said they're looking for a weapon. "The Department of Corrections is reacting
proactively," he said. "They're taking it very seriously." A convoy of white
Department of Corrections vehicles pulled up shortly before 10:30 a.m. A line of
officers, some with search dogs, entered the facility shortly after, while
another two with rifles stayed outside. Christopher Greeder, spokesman for
Community Education Centers, confirmed the search but did not say whether
they're looking for a gun. "Out of an abundance of caution, we're searching the
whole facility," he said. "The good news is, nothing major has turned up yet."
Parole Board spokesman Neal Buccino said at least one cell phone was found on a
parolee. He said county and state authorities responded to the facility today
after receiving a tip early this morning. McGonigal said it's the second major
sweep of the facility in the last few weeks. He said centers like Bo Robinson
lack the safety standards of state prisons. "We have no problem putting
nonviolent offenders there," he said. "But they're putting in violent offenders.
It's a breeding ground for disaster." Greeder said inmates at Bo Robinson are
kept separate based on whether they're from county or state jurisdictions. He
added that the facility has been recommended for accreditation from the American
Correctional Association in November with a 100 percent compliance rating.
Camden
County Jail
Camden, New Jersey
Aramark,
Prison Health Services
February 17, 2009 Courier-Post
Rodent droppings, improper food storage and plumbing problems afflicted the
kitchen at the Camden County Correctional Facility early this month, according
to a county health report. A Feb. 2 inspection at the county jail, in downtown
Camden, turned up more than a half-dozen health-related violations in the
kitchen. It serves about 60,000 meals a day to inmates and staff, according to
the inspection report. "The presence of mice throughout kitchen and storage area
was evident," according to the report signed by inspectors Chris Naddeo and
Caryelle Lasher. They estimated more than 200 mouse droppings had collected
there. Responding to media inquiries on Friday, the county administration
released a written statement that says that "a corrective-action plan is in
motion." "Inspectors will work closely with the Correctional Facility's
administration to make sure appropriate policies and procedures are in place and
implemented," the statement reads. County jail inmates carry out day-to-day food
preparation under the supervision of Aramark Correctional Services workers, the
county reported. Aramark manages and operates the kitchen, according to the
prepared statement. The jail, the county health department and Aramark are
cooperating to address all the problems in the health report, including the
cleanliness and food-preparation concerns, the statement reads. Among the
problems outlined in the inspection report: Floors in the kitchen were not
smooth or easily cleaned. Instead, they were worn and allowed water, grease and
food debris to collect. Food was not covered well enough or protected from
contamination during storage. Mouse droppings were discovered in some loosely
covered butter. External doors near outdoor Dumpsters were not solid or
tight-fitting, so they did not protect well against rodents or insects. A slow
leak had developed in a storage-room ceiling. Several foods -- grits, chicken,
rice and beef -- were not kept at required temperatures. Plumbing systems were
not kept in good repair. Some water was draining directly onto the floor.
April 29, 2004
The family of a Cherry Hill man killed in Camden County Jail filed a federal
lawsuit Wednesday, charging county correctional officials with "reckless
and deliberate indifference" in his death. The suit charges that Joel
Seidel's constitutional rights to medical care, due process and to be free from
cruel and unusual punishment were violated while the former stockbroker was in
custody. The lawsuit was filed in U.S. District Court on behalf of
Seidel's daughters, Sharon Clark and Devra Seidel, co-administrators of his
estate. "This tragedy was preventable and we intend to prove that the
reckless and deliberate indifference of the prison guards and officials led to
the death of Mr. Seidel," said Tom Kline, of Kline & Specter of Cherry
Hill, attorney for the Seidel daughters. County officials had not been
served with the lawsuit late Wednesday and because of that were unable to
comment, according to a spokesman. The suit alleges "negligent,
reckless, intentional, wrongful, deliberately indifferent and unlawful
conduct" on the part of prison officials. The suit cites overcrowding
at the prison in general and the failure to move Seidel to a hospital,
psychiatric facility or his own cell and failure to provide adequate
observation. The suit names as defendants the Camden County Jail, Camden
County Department of Corrections and Camden County; and Prison Health Services
Inc. and Steininger Behavioral Care Services, both of which had contracts to
provide services to inmates. (Courier-Post)
Community Education Centers
Roseland, New Jersey
Essex County
immigrant detention center a house of controversy: Chris Megerian,
The Star-Ledger. Despite the barbed wire snaking across the top of its
perimeter fence, Delaney Hall is not a traditional lock-up.
Texas prison
boom going bust: by Mitch Mitchell, September 3, 2011,
Star-Telegram. Expose on troubles facing many communities that bought into
the private prison bonding scam.
December 21, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Immigrant advocates released a report Tuesday detailing what they describe as
campaign contributions and hidden political ties behind the nonprofit group that
subcontracts services for Delaney Hall, a private detention facility in Newark.
The 19-page report comes almost a week after the Essex County freeholders
awarded a lucrative immigrant-detention contract to the group, Education and
Health Centers of America. Immigration advocates include in the report what they
describe as "crony connections and a system of elected and un-elected political
bosses in Essex County which limit transparency and oversight" surrounding the
detention center. The report says Education and Health Centers and the
for-profit Community Education Centers have been "skirting" pay-to-play laws and
campaign-disclosure requirements through a "shell game." Education and Health
Centers subcontracts private correctional services to Community Education
Centers. Officials, however, criticized the report. Essex County Executive
Joseph DiVincenzo issued a statement calling the county’s immigrant-detention
contract a "creative revenue generator with the potential to create $250 million
over five years." He added the report was an attempt to "discredit" the county’s
contract with the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Education and
Health Centers spokesman Eric Shuffler said the report was "put out by groups
with their own political agenda and it’s filled with mistakes, contradictions
and unsubstantiated innuendo." He declined to go into detail about specific
inaccuracies. The report lists more than $150,000 in campaign contributions to
Essex County politicians by Community Education Centers and its CEO, John
Clancy, a former county youth-services official who has donated to both state
and county politicians. Clancy also heads Education and Health Centers but the
two groups are legally separate entities, according to officials of both groups.
Two groups authored the report — the New Jersey Advocates For Immigrant
Detainees, and Enlace, a West Coast agency composed of community groups and
unions that oppose for-profit correctional facilities. The former group is a
broad-based coalition of 20 community, faith-based and advocacy agencies.
According to the report, DiVincenzo received donations from Community Education
Centers for years, beginning in 1999 with an $1,800 donation from Community
Corrections Corp., the group’s former name. Since then, Community Education
Centers and Clancy have donated to DiVincenzo, the Essex County Democratic
Committee and at least three freeholders, among other elected officials, the
report said. On Dec. 14, county freeholders gave Education and Health Centers a
multimillion-dollar contract to house up to 450 immigrant detainees in Delaney
Hall, a correctional facility on Doremus Avenue in Newark that is run by
Community Education Centers. Immigrant advocate Karina Wilkinson said the
contract "violates the spirit of pay-to-play." At the county level, the laws
regulating pay-to-play only apply to no-bid contracts. Last week’s contract was
open to bids, but only Education and Health Centers was the sole bidder.
Tuesday's report cited similar concerns the state comptroller’s office raised
about Education and Health Centers in June. The comptroller recommended the
state Attorney General’s Office review the arrangement. The Attorney General’s
Office did not return a call for comment Tuesday. Since 1994, Education and
Health Centers and Community Education Centers have had an arrangement with the
state that allows the nonprofit entity to subcontract nearly all its work to the
for-profit one. Under state law, only nonprofit groups can be awarded contracts
for private correctional services. The two companies’ arrangement with the state
was in place years before the 2004 pay-to-play laws were enacted, said William
Palatucci, senior vice president and general counsel for public affairs at
Community Education Centers. Palatucci is also a close friend of Gov. Chris
Christie’s. "Nobody could anticipate trying to skirt anything," Palatucci said.
October 11, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Essex County is preparing to rebid a contract for a deal with the federal
government worth roughly a quarter-billion dollars to Essex County to house
immigration detainees after it tossed out the previous sole bidder, a
politically connected company. The first bidding process was ended after a
letter from U.S. Sen. Frank Lautenberg (D-N.J.) questioned the fairness of the
process. In July, Lautenberg wrote to Immigration and Customs Enforcement
Director John Morton citing concerns the county’s bidding process "may not be
entirely fair, open and transparent." The letter came after the sole applicant,
Education and Health Centers of America, landed the job. In a responding letter,
obtained Monday by The Star-Ledger, ICE officials said they received assurance
from Essex the bidding process to find a vendor for the lucrative contract to
house detainees in the county was "conducted in a fair and reasonable manner."
However, the federal agency also notes "ICE does not have the authority to
review or enforce procurement laws or regulations at the state and local level,"
states the Aug. 4 letter. The county later threw out the controversial bid to
house detainees in Delaney Hall in Newark and is now expected to advertise an
overhauled proposal. The contract is expected to be worth $50 million annually
for five years. This second round could differ significantly because Essex will
be simultaneously seeking vendors to house two different groups: ICE detainees
awaiting hearings or deportation, and county inmates receiving drug and alcohol
treatment. A county spokesman said the new bid is being finalized and declined
to say when exactly it would be open to bidders. Essex County Executive Joseph
N. DiVincenzo Jr. said during a freeholder meeting last week the county is
"ready to go out to bid very shortly." Top officials at both the nonprofit EHCA
and Community Education Centers, the for-profit company it contracts with, have
made campaign contributions to DiVincenzo or are close allies of Gov. Chris
Christie.
July 27, 2011 New York Times
Three weeks ago, Essex County, N.J., announced that it was seeking a company to
run a 450-bed immigrant detention center, hoping to take advantage of a
federally financed initiative to set up such facilities with better supervision
and medical care. The county said the contracting process was open to any
company. But behind the scenes, it appears that officials have a clear favorite:
Community Education Centers, which has a checkered record in immigrant detention
but counts one of Gov. Chris Christie’s closest confidants as a senior vice
president. The company’s executives are also political backers of the county
executive, Joseph N. DiVincenzo Jr., a prominent ally of Mr. Christie. The
county’s bidding rules specified that visitors to the detention center greet
detainees “in the gymnasium” — a requirement that seemed to point to an existing
facility, Delaney Hall in Newark, operated by Community Education Centers.
Bidders were given 23 days to submit applications, an unusually short deadline
for a multimillion-dollar contract. Community Education Centers itself seemed to
act as if its selection were a done deal. The deadline for bids is Thursday, but
the company posted advertisements on its Web site weeks ago to fill five jobs
working with immigrant detainees at the facility. And this week, federal
immigration officials and Community Education staff members gave tours of
Delaney Hall to advocates for immigrants, telling them that it would probably be
the new facility. The advocates were not shown other sites. Questioned about the
selection process, Essex officials said the bidding was fair and open to any
company. A spokesman for Mr. Christie said the governor’s office had no
involvement in the contract. Federal and local officials have not indicated the
size of the contract for the winning bidder, but it appears the total could
amount to $8 million to $10 million annually. Government at all levels has
pushed to privatize prisons and detention centers in recent decades, trying to
save money and improve services. The federal government, which has been
apprehending a growing number of immigrants, plans to use private companies to
help overhaul a detention system that includes a patchwork of facilities. But
privatized prisons and detention centers have at times became ensnared in
scandals over mistreatment of their charges. In fact, Community Education
Centers, based in West Caldwell, N.J., was seriously penalized in 2008 under an
earlier contract to house immigrants at Delaney Hall. After an immigrant
escaped, officials responded by removing the remaining 120 detainees from the
company’s supervision and placing them in a public jail. Immigrant detention
centers typically house immigrants, both legal and illegal, who are facing
deportation because of visa violations or criminal convictions. With a shortage
of beds in the Northeast, the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency
announced plans last year to house hundreds of detainees in Essex County.
Officials said the detainees would have better access to lawyers and consulates,
enabling the authorities to curb the transfer of detainees to distant places
like Texas. Community Education’s senior vice president is William J. Palatucci,
Mr. Christie’s political mentor and former law partner, and one of the state’s
well-known Republican strategists. Mr. Palatucci was a major fund-raiser for
George W. Bush’s 2000 presidential campaign, and recommended to the Bush
administration that it nominate Mr. Christie for United States attorney for New
Jersey, a job he held from 2002 to 2009. Community Education and its executives
are major supporters of Mr. DiVincenzo, one of the most powerful politicians in
North Jersey. Community Education employees, including senior executives and
several of their family members, have donated a total of $30,600 to Mr.
DiVincenzo’s campaigns since 2006, according to disclosure records. Mr.
DiVincenzo, the county executive since 2002, is also influential in Trenton.
Though he is a Democrat, he has developed a close relationship with Mr.
Christie, a Republican, who swore him in for his third term. Mr. DiVincenzo has
said he agrees with 95 percent of what the governor is doing, and has broken
ranks with his party to support Mr. Christie’s efforts to curb the pay and
benefits of public employees. Mr. Christie’s press secretary, Michael Drewniak,
said, “There is no basis whatsoever to bring the governor into this and doing so
sounds like a total stretch.” Essex County’s counsel, James R. Paganelli, said
neither Community Education nor any other company had the inside track for the
contract. “We have a public bid looking for anybody who thinks they can provide
these services,” Mr. Paganelli said. “I hope that this bid is as competitive as
we can make it.” Mr. Paganelli said he expected as many as 30 companies to
express interest, and he declined to speak about any bidder in particular. A
Community Education spokesman, Christopher Greeder, said any claim that the
company had “received favored status from Essex County is unfounded.” Mr.
Greeder said Delaney Hall was fully accredited and had housed more than 80,000
individuals since its opening in 2000. Asked why the company had advertised for
jobs at the detention center before it knew whether it had won the contract, he
said: “As a private company, we often advertise for positions in advance of any
contract award. We want to be prepared.” He added that there was no connection
between campaign contributions given by company executives and government
contracts. For their part, federal officials said they were already making plans
to send immigrants to Delaney Hall because Essex specifically mentioned it in
its proposal to the federal government. They were not aware that the county was
considering other facilities, said Gillian M. Christensen, a spokeswoman for the
immigration agency. Immigrant advocates called the contracting process severely
flawed. Amy Gottlieb, director of the Immigrant Rights Program at the American
Friends Service Committee, said, “The idea that a company can advertise a job
before they have the contract is offensive, because the stakes are so high.”
Although the details are still being made final, Immigration and Customs
Enforcement plans to assign 800 immigrants to the Essex jail, which currently
holds about 500, and plans to place an additional 450 detainees in Delaney Hall,
which is nearby, Ms. Christensen said. To solicit bids, Essex County advertised
in The Star-Ledger of Newark and posted the requirements on a county Web site,
following standard procedure, according to Mr. Paganelli, the county counsel. He
said county officials did not actively solicit companies to bid. By comparison,
the New York State Office of General Services said that when the state issued
contracts for specialized services, it advertised in multiple publications,
posted the requirements online and contacted competing firms that perform
similar services.
June 16, 2011 NJ 101.5
State Comptroller Matt Boxer is questioning the State Department of Corrections
(DOC) about the state's largest halfway house provider, Education and Health
Centers of America, Inc. (EHCA), because of its subcontracting arrangement with
a for-profit company, Community Education Centers, Inc. (CEC). Under state law,
only non-profits can provide halfway house services. Boxer says EHCA pays CEC
the entire contracted per diem rates. Of $400 million the state has paid EHCA
since 1997, EHCA has paid CEC approximately $390 million to provide "all the
services" under EHCA's public contracts, including the "operation, support
services management and maintenance" of the facilities. "One of the issues that
we found is that there are questions about the eligibility of one of those
halfway houses to be a part of this program," explains Boxer. "We sent a letter
to the Department of Corrections suggesting that on this issue they seek formal
legal advice from the (State) Attorney General's Office and they've agreed to do
that." Bill Palatucci is one of Governor Chris Christie's closest allies. He's a
senior vice president and general counsel for public affairs at CEC and the
director of development at EHCA. He says CEC has had no new contracts since
1998. "We're still operating under the same agreement that was approved by
Attorney General back then, so we're a bit puzzled by the report," says
Palatucci. "We'll take a look and talk to the Department of Corrections about
it."
August 11, 2010 The Review
A lawsuit filed against the private operator of the Columbiana County Jail and
the county commissioners has been dismissed, but remains against inmates who
assaulted another inmate. Jeffrey Woodburn of Lisbon, formerly of Wellsville,
filed the complaint in July 2009 over a July 2008 attack which occurred after he
refused to bring tobacco and drugs to the other inmates when he returned to the
lockup from work release. A recent judgment entry said the complaint was settled
and dismissed against Community Education Centers Inc. and CiviGenics Texas,
along with the county board of commissioners, only, at the defendant's costs.
The entry didn't note the terms of the settlement. The case apparently remains
against the inmates who were named as defendants in the lawsuit, including Aaron
Holt of East Liverpool, David Crow of Wellsville and Derrick Howard of
Youngstown. The claims against the jail operator and commissioners included
alleged negligence and a security breach which Woodburn alleged led to the
attack. The lawsuit said Woodburn reported the threats to jail personnel who
placed him in protective custody in his own cell in a separate section of the
jail. The document said security measures were breached on July 23, 2008 when
Holt, Crow, Howard and possibly a fourth inmate were able to enter Woodburn's
cell and beat him, requiring hospitalization.
July 8, 2010 The Star-Ledger
In a move certain to only increase speculation about Gov. Chris Christie’s
political future beyond New Jersey, the Republican State Committee tonight
elected Bill Palatucci, a close Christie friend, advisor and former law partner,
as the state’s new male representative on the Republican National Committee.
Palatucci, 52, replaces David Norcross, a former Republican State Committee
chairman and 1976 U.S. Senate candidate who was elected committeeman in 1992. “I
think in a small way I can just be the eyes and ears, not only for (Christie)
but for the state party. Secondly, it’s nice to be able to be proud for New
Jersey again and help export the ideas that are proving so successful right now
in New Jersey down to the national scene,” said Palatucci. Palatucci denied
speculation that Norcross, whose term does not end until 2012, was pressured to
resign by Christie to make way for a close ally. “I think that’s unfair to
David. David has been very clear that he was in his last term and he was always
looking for the right time to step aside,” he said. Twenty-three of the state’s
42 Republican committee members showed up at the meeting at the Princeton Hyatt
to vote for Palatucci by affirmation. Nobody else ran for the position and
Norcross did not attend the meeting. Amanda Brown/The Star-LedgerDavid Norcross,
in this 2004 file photo. Palatucci is senior vice president and general counsel
for Community Education Centers in West Caldwell, which operates halfway houses
for the reintegration of former prison inmates.
May 14, 2010 KXXV
McLennan County's new Jack Harwell detention facility was completed in February
of this year, but now its 816 beds remain empty. The solution is to transfer the
entire population of the downtown jail to the brand new facilities on Highway 6.
The move is aimed to attract more outside contracts to send inmates to the
Harwell facility, and at the same time begin generating revenue from the new
jail in order to begin paying back the $49 million in bonds it cost to build.
But it also means losing revenue generated by the downtown jail; revenue which
goes to the county's general fund, and belongs to the taxpayers. Ken Witt,
president of the McLennan County Sheriff's Office Association, says the action
doesn't do anything to create new revenue. "It's not going to matter whether you
transfer the downtown out there or just pay it straight. It's going to be the
money that was originally already generated and it's not going to be new money,"
Witt said. Community Education Centers, the company charged with managing the
jail, has agreed to pay the county $40,000 a month to mitigate the nearly
$60,000 in revenue the downtown jail was earning. But some, like TEA Party
member Marie McClellan, are afraid the agreement is too complex for taxpayers to
understand. "This is our money. I'm not certain who authorized this and where
this is going. Is this a business venture? Are the taxpayers on the hook for
this? If they can't find the population who pays for this, eventually?,"
McClellan said. The Harwell unit will have until December to reach 90 percent
occupancy, about 734 inmates, before the downtown jail can be reopened and begin
generating revenue once more. But what happens if the beds still aren't filled?
Precinct One commissioner Kelly Snell, who voted against the action, says it's
time for a Plan B. "Not only have we spent $49 million, but now we're getting
less money than we projected to get to start with. Now we really need to get an
exit plan, because like I said today, what happens if this don't work?," Snell
said. McLennan County Judge Jim Lewis told News Channel 25 by phone that Harris
county and a dozen other entities have already pledged to send inmates to the
new jail, and he hopes to have both jails full and making money within a few
months.
April 23, 2010 Waco Tribune-Herald
The new jail on State Highway 6 has an impressively low detention population:
zero. The 816-bed Jack Harwell Detention Center officially was completed in
February. But Community Education Centers, the New Jersey-based detention
company under contract to manage and operate the jail, has been unable to secure
agreements with state and federal agencies to house inmates. Meanwhile, CEC must
begin repaying the $49 million in project revenue bonds that financed the
construction of the jail. The $313,000 monthly debt service is to be paid using
revenue from housing inmates, placing the company under a crunch to fill beds.
While funds already have been set aside for the first payment of $1.9 million
due in June, CEC must begin making revenue soon or risk defaulting on the bonds.
Doing so would mean the county loses the new jail. CEC wants some relief from
the county to cover the financial obligation, but some commissioners say getting
involved could end up costing taxpayers. County Judge Jim Lewis, Commissioner
Ray Meadows and former Commissioner Wendall Crunk voted for the construction of
the new jail. Commissioners Lester Gibson and Joe Mashek voted against it. Fewer
inmates -- Feasibility studies conducted in 2008 showed the county would need
1,296 beds by the end of this year, slightly above the combined 1,260 capacity
between the McLennan County Jail and the downtown jail. While the county faced
severe overcrowding in 2008, there were only 860 inmates in the county jail
Thursday afternoon, with 20 inmates at the CEC-run downtown jail. Peter
Argeropulos, CEC senior vice president, reported the dilemma to the McLennan
County Commissioners Court on Thursday. CEC began reaching out to agencies in
the fall only to find that few prison facilities were housing inmates outside
their facilities. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, for example, scrapped
plans for a new fugitive apprehension unit in Waco. The Texas Department of
Criminal Justice began pulling its inmates from private detention centers in
August. “What we expected and what the studies had indicated have not
materialized at this point,” Argeropulos said. Solutions debated -- One option
Argeropulos suggested was to close down the 329-bed downtown jail and transfer
the staff and inmates to the Jack Harwell Detention Center. The move would help
CEC pay debt service but also cause the county to lose as much as $400,000 from
the operation of the downtown jail. “Your plan’s not working, and it’s not
working because you can’t get the prisoners, so you’re coming to the court
wanting concessions that are going to cost the taxpayers money,” Commissioner
Kelly Snell said. “That’s where I have a problem.” CEC Warden Mike Wilson, who
oversees the downtown jail and would head the new jail, said moving the inmates
would help address safety concerns at the facility. “All of a sudden, once you
get a new car, that old car you got isn’t worth driving anymore, that’s the
bottom line,” Snell said. Argeropulos also asked the court to temporarily waive
an administrative fee of $2 per inmate per day CEC is to pay to the county until
revenue exceeds operation costs. “I don’t see why the county has to be asked to
bend over and do all the compromise,” Gibson said. “I think that some of the
burden should be upon your side to do what you can to ease the burden.” Another
option Argeropulos raised is to sign an interlocal agreement with Harris County,
which is battling serious overcrowding issues. Harris County has transferred
about 650 inmates to Newton County, with another 450 housed in Bowie County and
200 in Louisiana. CEC had a six-month agreement to house 320 Harris County
inmates that expired in February. But CEC did not get any inmates during that
period. Argeropulos said Harris County was willing to pay only $45 per person
per day to house inmates at the Jack Harwell Detention Center, lower than the
$54.50 rate CEC originally expected. “Right now, it’s a buyers’ market,”
Argeropulos said. “As beds become vacant, people can become a little more picky
in terms of who they want to negotiate with and what’s the best rate they can
get.” Argeropulos said CEC intends to apply for a bid to house federal inmates.
The Federal Bureau of Prisons is expecting to need up to 3,000 beds later this
year, a proposal that may likely net higher housing revenue, he said. “It’s not
a new revelation, it’s been in newspapers nationwide that facilities are lacking
prisoners,” Lewis said. “It’s not an ideal situation, but anybody who’s been in
this business knows that there’s ups and downs on it. . . . The population will
go up not only here but nationwide. The industry just keeps on growing.”
Long-term outlook -- Still, Argeropulos said CEC would not open the jail until
it had secured enough inmates to sufficiently cover the debt service and
operational costs. The bond package includes a $4 million reserve fund that will
cover about a year of payments. However, that fund can only be accessed if there
are no inmates in the facility, Argeropulos said. CEC exercised an escape clause
last month to pull out of managing Johnson County jails with one more year to go
on a three-year contract. Argeropulos said Johnson County’s jail population had
dropped by 25 percent, causing CEC to lose money. Herbert Bristow, attorney for
the county, said if CEC defaulted on repaying the bonds, the county would not be
liable to make payments. The McLennan County Public Facility Corp., a
seven-member board including the commissioners court, issued the bonds in 2009.
“It was done by design to insulate the county,” Bristow said. “But the end
result is if it’s a doomsday deal, and we can’t find any prisoners to put in it
. . . the bondholders have the right to take the property back and get whatever
value there is in it.” Argeropulos said he would bring the court a formal
proposal for action later this month. Mashek said the discussion reinforced the
concerns he expressed in 2008 when he voted against the new jail. “It looks like
they’re trying to cover up problems they’re having and wanting the county to
bail them out, and I’m not in a position to bail anybody out, especially CEC,”
Mashek said.
March 6, 2010 Philadelphia Enquirer
Saying it is owed $7.3 million, Aramark Corp., the Philadelphia food-services
provider, has sued a New Jersey operator of correctional facilities. In the
suit, Aramark contends Community Education Centers Inc., of West Caldwell, N.J.,
has been in default on bills since at least June 2008. Locally, Aramark services
Community Education Centers facilities in Philadelphia, Delaware County,
Reading, and Trenton. Aramark's lawsuit, filed Feb. 18 in U.S. District Court in
Philadelphia, said Community Education Centers was overdue on $5.2 million of
the total, and it requested that a judgment, including interest, costs, and
attorney's fees, be entered in its favor. In an e-mailed statement yesterday,
Community Education Centers said it "does not comment on pending litigation
except to say that the two companies are in negotiations regarding the matter."
Community Education Centers is one of a number of companies considered likely to
bid on a prison privatization contract in Camden County. Last year, a unit of
the company bought options on land in Camden as a potential site for a new
prison, but the site has been ruled out by county freeholders because of
neighborhood protests. The privately held company, which operates in 19 states,
employs 4,500 and services nearly 30,000 individuals, did not comment
specifically on the proposed privatization of Camden County's prison system.
Among Community Education Centers' investors is Philadelphia private-equity firm
LLR Partners. The firm's investment fund, LLR Equity Partners II L.P., in 2007
bought $53 million worth of preferred stock, according to a regulatory filing.
LLR cofounder Seth Lehr, who is on Community Education Centers' board of
directors, said the firm does not comment on companies in its portfolio.
June 21, 2009 The Star-Ledger
John Lynch, a former New Jersey state Senate president, was recently released to
a halfway house after serving a jail term. Republican gubernatorial candidate
Chris Christie is constantly boasting of his success in locking up crooked pols
when he was U.S. attorney. And for him, Exhibit A is former Senate president
John Lynch. The Middlesex County Democratic boss pleaded guilty to corruption
charges and went to federal prison under Christie's watch. Lynch was released
last week and transferred to a Newark halfway house to begin his return to
society. But in his new housing assignment, The Auditor noticed something
fascinating: The disgraced former senator is being housed at Logan Hall, a
facility owned and operated by Community Education Centers, where Bill Palatucci,
Christie's top fund-raiser and political consigliere, is a key executive. "It is
kind of ironic, I guess," said Palatucci, CEC's senior vice president and
general counsel. "There is one and only federal halfway house in New Jersey. And
the U.S. Attorney's Office has no role in deciding where an inmate goes. But
there are not a lot of options. It was unavoidable, I guess." Palatucci said CEC
is pulling down $68 a day from the feds to cover Lynch's housing costs.
May 21, 2007 New York Times
A company based in New Jersey that provides training and treatment programs to
prison inmates is announcing today that it has bought a similar Massachusetts
company, creating one of the largest correctional services companies in the
country. The two companies — Community Education Centers of Roseland, N.J., and
CiviGenics of Marlborough, Mass. — are trying to capitalize on the growing
number of inmates and tight financing for new prisons that have led federal,
state and local governments to contract out more of their operations to private
businesses. States have also addressed the shortage of prison space by trying to
reduce recidivism with more training and treatment programs for inmates. About
70 percent of those released from prison return within three years, according to
some studies. “There’s a tremendous focus on the re-entry of inmates,” said John
J. Clancy, chief executive of Community Education Centers. “If people are going
to continue to get out of prison, the question is how they get out.” The two
privately held companies, which together are expected to employ about 3,500
people in 22 states and have close to $240 million in revenue next year, did not
disclose the financial terms of the agreement. However, people with knowledge of
the transaction said Community Education Centers paid more than $100 million for
CiviGenics.
Delaney Hall
Essex County, New Jersey
Community Education Centers
Essex County
immigrant detention center a house of controversy: Chris Megerian,
The Star-Ledger. Despite the barbed wire snaking across the top of its
perimeter fence, Delaney Hall is not a traditional lock-up.
December 21, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Immigrant advocates released a report Tuesday detailing what they describe as
campaign contributions and hidden political ties behind the nonprofit group that
subcontracts services for Delaney Hall, a private detention facility in Newark.
The 19-page report comes almost a week after the Essex County freeholders
awarded a lucrative immigrant-detention contract to the group, Education and
Health Centers of America. Immigration advocates include in the report what they
describe as "crony connections and a system of elected and un-elected political
bosses in Essex County which limit transparency and oversight" surrounding the
detention center. The report says Education and Health Centers and the
for-profit Community Education Centers have been "skirting" pay-to-play laws and
campaign-disclosure requirements through a "shell game." Education and Health
Centers subcontracts private correctional services to Community Education
Centers. Officials, however, criticized the report. Essex County Executive
Joseph DiVincenzo issued a statement calling the county’s immigrant-detention
contract a "creative revenue generator with the potential to create $250 million
over five years." He added the report was an attempt to "discredit" the county’s
contract with the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Education and
Health Centers spokesman Eric Shuffler said the report was "put out by groups
with their own political agenda and it’s filled with mistakes, contradictions
and unsubstantiated innuendo." He declined to go into detail about specific
inaccuracies. The report lists more than $150,000 in campaign contributions to
Essex County politicians by Community Education Centers and its CEO, John
Clancy, a former county youth-services official who has donated to both state
and county politicians. Clancy also heads Education and Health Centers but the
two groups are legally separate entities, according to officials of both groups.
Two groups authored the report — the New Jersey Advocates For Immigrant
Detainees, and Enlace, a West Coast agency composed of community groups and
unions that oppose for-profit correctional facilities. The former group is a
broad-based coalition of 20 community, faith-based and advocacy agencies.
According to the report, DiVincenzo received donations from Community Education
Centers for years, beginning in 1999 with an $1,800 donation from Community
Corrections Corp., the group’s former name. Since then, Community Education
Centers and Clancy have donated to DiVincenzo, the Essex County Democratic
Committee and at least three freeholders, among other elected officials, the
report said. On Dec. 14, county freeholders gave Education and Health Centers a
multimillion-dollar contract to house up to 450 immigrant detainees in Delaney
Hall, a correctional facility on Doremus Avenue in Newark that is run by
Community Education Centers. Immigrant advocate Karina Wilkinson said the
contract "violates the spirit of pay-to-play." At the county level, the laws
regulating pay-to-play only apply to no-bid contracts. Last week’s contract was
open to bids, but only Education and Health Centers was the sole bidder.
Tuesday's report cited similar concerns the state comptroller’s office raised
about Education and Health Centers in June. The comptroller recommended the
state Attorney General’s Office review the arrangement. The Attorney General’s
Office did not return a call for comment Tuesday. Since 1994, Education and
Health Centers and Community Education Centers have had an arrangement with the
state that allows the nonprofit entity to subcontract nearly all its work to the
for-profit one. Under state law, only nonprofit groups can be awarded contracts
for private correctional services. The two companies’ arrangement with the state
was in place years before the 2004 pay-to-play laws were enacted, said William
Palatucci, senior vice president and general counsel for public affairs at
Community Education Centers. Palatucci is also a close friend of Gov. Chris
Christie’s. "Nobody could anticipate trying to skirt anything," Palatucci said.
October 11, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Essex County is preparing to rebid a contract for a deal with the federal
government worth roughly a quarter-billion dollars to Essex County to house
immigration detainees after it tossed out the previous sole bidder, a
politically connected company. The first bidding process was ended after a
letter from U.S. Sen. Frank Lautenberg (D-N.J.) questioned the fairness of the
process. In July, Lautenberg wrote to Immigration and Customs Enforcement
Director John Morton citing concerns the county’s bidding process "may not be
entirely fair, open and transparent." The letter came after the sole applicant,
Education and Health Centers of America, landed the job. In a responding letter,
obtained Monday by The Star-Ledger, ICE officials said they received assurance
from Essex the bidding process to find a vendor for the lucrative contract to
house detainees in the county was "conducted in a fair and reasonable manner."
However, the federal agency also notes "ICE does not have the authority to
review or enforce procurement laws or regulations at the state and local level,"
states the Aug. 4 letter. The county later threw out the controversial bid to
house detainees in Delaney Hall in Newark and is now expected to advertise an
overhauled proposal. The contract is expected to be worth $50 million annually
for five years. This second round could differ significantly because Essex will
be simultaneously seeking vendors to house two different groups: ICE detainees
awaiting hearings or deportation, and county inmates receiving drug and alcohol
treatment. A county spokesman said the new bid is being finalized and declined
to say when exactly it would be open to bidders. Essex County Executive Joseph
N. DiVincenzo Jr. said during a freeholder meeting last week the county is
"ready to go out to bid very shortly." Top officials at both the nonprofit EHCA
and Community Education Centers, the for-profit company it contracts with, have
made campaign contributions to DiVincenzo or are close allies of Gov. Chris
Christie.
September 22, 2011
August 16, 2011 The Star-Ledger
The federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency is re-examining its deal
with Essex County to house 1,250 immigrant detainees after the county announced
it would throw out a controversial bid to hold them in a private facility run by
a politically-connected firm. Days after signing a five-year contract with ICE,
county officials said today they will seek another round of bids from vendors
after only receiving one application for the project from Education and Health
Centers of America, a nonprofit with ties to both Essex County Executive Joseph
DiVincenzo Jr. and Gov. Chris Christie. Essex County officials said they now
hope to secure a vendor by January. In the wake of the county’s announcement
this afternoon, the immigration agency said it had not been informed of the
change and released a terse statement. "ICE may need to renegotiate or modify
the terms of our current (agreement) with the county," said spokeswoman Gillian
Christensen. But county officials tried to downplay the change. "The public bid
we issued for a vendor to house immigration detainees in a private facility was
canceled, because Essex can save $600,000 by using an existing contract,"
DiVincenzo said in a written statement. In response to ICE’s plan to re-evaluate
the deal, DiVincenzo said there must be some confusion, and he would contact the
agency in the morning. "We already have a contract (with ICE). … I don’t know
where they’re coming from," he said last night. For about five years, the county
has had a contract with Delaney Hall, a private correctional facility on Doremus
Avenue in Newark run by the for-profit Community Education Centers. Now the
county will house immigrant detainees there under the existing contract, which
ends Dec. 31. CEC contracts with the nonprofit Education and Health Centers of
America, which in July put in a bid to house 450 ICE detainees at the facility.
County officials said the move would also save about $17 a day for each detainee
under the old contract. After the contract expires, detainees there could be
relocated if another bidder is selected. The rest of the detainees will be
housed at the county jail. "This does seem really odd. Really odd," said Amy
Gottlieb, director of the Immigrant Rights Program with the Newark chapter of
the American Friends Service Committee. "It does make me think that the exposure
of the unorthodox bidding process, the non-transparency of the bidding process,
has maybe raised some questions." Gottlieb and others, including Sen. Frank
Lautenberg, criticized the bid process calling for more transparency. The county
came under fire after the Education and Health Centers of America was the only
bidder for the contract. John Clancy, a former county youth services official,
heads both the Education and Health Centers of America and the Community
Education Centers and has contributed tens of thousands of dollars to the
campaigns of county and state officials. In addition to Clancy, a close friend
and former law-firm colleague of the governor, William Palatucci, serves as a
senior vice president for Community Education Centers. Today, Palatucci referred
most questions to the county. "We currently have a contractual relationship with
Essex County through the end of the year. We’ll have to wait and see to see what
happens," he said. Palatucci emphasized the company’s long relationship with
county government. "We have a good, strong track record for 11 years. We’d
expect that to continue in one shape or form going forward," he said. Ralph
Caputo, vice president of the county freeholder board and chairman of the public
safety committee, said the freeholders will review the contract with ICE at
their Wednesday meeting. He said the bid from Education and Health Centers of
America may not have been the best fit because of the timing. The ICE contract
is for five years, while the bid from Education and Health Centers of America
was for two years with an option to extend it. Caputo said although the bid
process has been controversial, he thinks the county is trying to do it right.
"I don’t think any of it was wrong," he said. "I think they just went a little
too fast." DiVincenzo also said that Philip Alagia will serve in a new position
as county director of ICE programs, adding $30,000 to his $108,645 salary as
DiVincenzo’s chief of staff.
August 12, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Essex County and the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency have
signed a new, five-year agreement that could nearly triple the number of federal
immigration detainees being held in Newark and generate as much as $50 million a
year for the county, ICE officials said today. Under the contract, up to 1,250
detainees would be held at the Essex County Jail and the privately-run Delaney
Hall. About 465 detainees are now held at the jail on an average day. Gillian
Christensen, a spokeswoman for ICE, said the deal was signed Thursday. Anthony
Puglisi, a spokesman for Essex County, said yesterday the county would have no
comment until it officially announces the deal. The county freeholders still
need to sign off on the agreement. Christensen said the contract calls for Essex
County to receive $108 per detainee per day over the life of the contract. A
similar arrangement, drawn up in 2008 at the rate of $105 per detainee per day,
generated about $22 million for the county last year and is expected to bring in
nearly $28 million this year, officials have said. The financial arrangement has
come under fire from opponents to federal immigration policy, who say that the
county is profiting from misguided mandates. "Essex County has shown that
profits come before human rights," said Karina Wilkinson, a co-founder of the
Middlesex County Coalition for Immigrant Rights and a frequent critic of Essex
County’s detention policies. "We are disappointed that the Obama administration
is continuing to expand detention and deportation to record levels, tearing
communities apart." The new contract gives ICE access to 800 beds at the county
jail and up to 450 beds at the adjacent Delaney Hall, Christensen said. In
recent weeks, detractors have argued the specifications in the county’s bid
request seeking housing for an additional 450 detainees was tailor-made for a
politically connected company. Education and Health Centers of America, based in
Wall Township, submitted the only bid. The non-profit firm has contracted with
the county to provide rehabilitation and other services for more than a decade.
In January, the county freeholders renewed a $20 million jail-services contract
with EHCA. The bulk of those services are run out of Delaney Hall, a residential
facility for criminal offenders that prepares them for re-entry into society.
Although EHCA is a nonprofit, it subcontracted its service contracts to
Community Education Centers, a for-profit company with which it is affiliated,
according to state officials. Both companies are headed by John Clancy, a former
county youth services official who has contributed tens of thousands of dollars
to the campaign of county and state officials, according to state elections
records. Freeholder Ralph Caputo said the board would meet with county
administrators as soon as Monday to discuss both the contract and EHCA’s bid.
"The basic objective is we want to be able to benefit the county with a
tremendous amount of revenue, but we want to do it appropriately," Caputo said
today. "There are a lot of specifics that have to addressed."
July 27, 2011 New York Times
Three weeks ago, Essex County, N.J., announced that it was seeking a company to
run a 450-bed immigrant detention center, hoping to take advantage of a
federally financed initiative to set up such facilities with better supervision
and medical care. The county said the contracting process was open to any
company. But behind the scenes, it appears that officials have a clear favorite:
Community Education Centers, which has a checkered record in immigrant detention
but counts one of Gov. Chris Christie’s closest confidants as a senior vice
president. The company’s executives are also political backers of the county
executive, Joseph N. DiVincenzo Jr., a prominent ally of Mr. Christie. The
county’s bidding rules specified that visitors to the detention center greet
detainees “in the gymnasium” — a requirement that seemed to point to an existing
facility, Delaney Hall in Newark, operated by Community Education Centers.
Bidders were given 23 days to submit applications, an unusually short deadline
for a multimillion-dollar contract. Community Education Centers itself seemed to
act as if its selection were a done deal. The deadline for bids is Thursday, but
the company posted advertisements on its Web site weeks ago to fill five jobs
working with immigrant detainees at the facility. And this week, federal
immigration officials and Community Education staff members gave tours of
Delaney Hall to advocates for immigrants, telling them that it would probably be
the new facility. The advocates were not shown other sites. Questioned about the
selection process, Essex officials said the bidding was fair and open to any
company. A spokesman for Mr. Christie said the governor’s office had no
involvement in the contract. Federal and local officials have not indicated the
size of the contract for the winning bidder, but it appears the total could
amount to $8 million to $10 million annually. Government at all levels has
pushed to privatize prisons and detention centers in recent decades, trying to
save money and improve services. The federal government, which has been
apprehending a growing number of immigrants, plans to use private companies to
help overhaul a detention system that includes a patchwork of facilities. But
privatized prisons and detention centers have at times became ensnared in
scandals over mistreatment of their charges. In fact, Community Education
Centers, based in West Caldwell, N.J., was seriously penalized in 2008 under an
earlier contract to house immigrants at Delaney Hall. After an immigrant
escaped, officials responded by removing the remaining 120 detainees from the
company’s supervision and placing them in a public jail. Immigrant detention
centers typically house immigrants, both legal and illegal, who are facing
deportation because of visa violations or criminal convictions. With a shortage
of beds in the Northeast, the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency
announced plans last year to house hundreds of detainees in Essex County.
Officials said the detainees would have better access to lawyers and consulates,
enabling the authorities to curb the transfer of detainees to distant places
like Texas. Community Education’s senior vice president is William J. Palatucci,
Mr. Christie’s political mentor and former law partner, and one of the state’s
well-known Republican strategists. Mr. Palatucci was a major fund-raiser for
George W. Bush’s 2000 presidential campaign, and recommended to the Bush
administration that it nominate Mr. Christie for United States attorney for New
Jersey, a job he held from 2002 to 2009. Community Education and its executives
are major supporters of Mr. DiVincenzo, one of the most powerful politicians in
North Jersey. Community Education employees, including senior executives and
several of their family members, have donated a total of $30,600 to Mr.
DiVincenzo’s campaigns since 2006, according to disclosure records. Mr.
DiVincenzo, the county executive since 2002, is also influential in Trenton.
Though he is a Democrat, he has developed a close relationship with Mr.
Christie, a Republican, who swore him in for his third term. Mr. DiVincenzo has
said he agrees with 95 percent of what the governor is doing, and has broken
ranks with his party to support Mr. Christie’s efforts to curb the pay and
benefits of public employees. Mr. Christie’s press secretary, Michael Drewniak,
said, “There is no basis whatsoever to bring the governor into this and doing so
sounds like a total stretch.” Essex County’s counsel, James R. Paganelli, said
neither Community Education nor any other company had the inside track for the
contract. “We have a public bid looking for anybody who thinks they can provide
these services,” Mr. Paganelli said. “I hope that this bid is as competitive as
we can make it.” Mr. Paganelli said he expected as many as 30 companies to
express interest, and he declined to speak about any bidder in particular. A
Community Education spokesman, Christopher Greeder, said any claim that the
company had “received favored status from Essex County is unfounded.” Mr.
Greeder said Delaney Hall was fully accredited and had housed more than 80,000
individuals since its opening in 2000. Asked why the company had advertised for
jobs at the detention center before it knew whether it had won the contract, he
said: “As a private company, we often advertise for positions in advance of any
contract award. We want to be prepared.” He added that there was no connection
between campaign contributions given by company executives and government
contracts. For their part, federal officials said they were already making plans
to send immigrants to Delaney Hall because Essex specifically mentioned it in
its proposal to the federal government. They were not aware that the county was
considering other facilities, said Gillian M. Christensen, a spokeswoman for the
immigration agency. Immigrant advocates called the contracting process severely
flawed. Amy Gottlieb, director of the Immigrant Rights Program at the American
Friends Service Committee, said, “The idea that a company can advertise a job
before they have the contract is offensive, because the stakes are so high.”
Although the details are still being made final, Immigration and Customs
Enforcement plans to assign 800 immigrants to the Essex jail, which currently
holds about 500, and plans to place an additional 450 detainees in Delaney Hall,
which is nearby, Ms. Christensen said. To solicit bids, Essex County advertised
in The Star-Ledger of Newark and posted the requirements on a county Web site,
following standard procedure, according to Mr. Paganelli, the county counsel. He
said county officials did not actively solicit companies to bid. By comparison,
the New York State Office of General Services said that when the state issued
contracts for specialized services, it advertised in multiple publications,
posted the requirements online and contacted competing firms that perform
similar services.
March 25, 2011 The Star-Ledger
A Superior Court judge this morning sentenced a 31-year-old man to life in
prison for strangling a fellow inmate at a private correctional facility in
Newark, two days after the victim had been sent there on unpaid traffic tickets.
A jury had convicted the man, Giancarlo Bonilla, of felony murder for the May
18, 2009, killing of Derek West Harris, a Newark barber who had been arrested
for failing to pay $722 in traffic tickets. Instead of Essex County Jail, Harris
was sent to Delaney Hall, considered a jail alternative for nonviolent
offenders. Bonilla and two other men were charged in the killing, which happened
while they were trying to rob Harris, who was 51 years old. They confronted
Harris, who resisted. Bonilla kept the man in a minutes-long chokehold, killing
him. The two other defendants pleaded guilty to robbery charges. "Defendant
Bonilla preyed upon Derek West for a few cigarettes and fewer dollars," Superior
Court Judge Peter Ryan said before imposing the sentence. "For this, a
horrendous murder was perpetrated."
January 27, 2011 Star-Ledger
Someone, somewhere thought Derek West Harris would be safer in Delaney Hall — a
private correctional facility for nonviolent offenders — rather than at a
traditional jail, Essex County Assistant Prosecutor Peter Guarino said
Wednesday. Arrested for $722 in overdue traffic fines, the 51-year-old barber
was sent to Delaney Hall in Newark, where he was attacked and strangled two days
later on May 18, 2009. Three inmates were soon charged with his murder. "This
could have happened to anybody," Guarino said after a Superior Court jury in
Newark convicted Giancarlo Bonilla of the killing, which followed a botched
attempt to steal $20 from Harris. "That’s the great tragedy of this case."
Bonilla, 31, was found guilty of felony murder, robbery and conspiracy to commit
robbery, and faces up to life in prison when he is sentenced March 18. He was
acquitted of first-degree murder, essentially meaning the jury determined
Bonilla did not intend to kill Harris, but caused his death in the act of
committing a robbery.
June 3, 2009 Star-Ledger
On a Tuesday evening in Irvington, Derek West Harris saw the colored lights
in the rearview mirror of his late-model Mazda Millennium and pulled over.
Harris, a 51-year-old Newark barber, had bought the car two weeks earlier and
didn't register or insure it before he put it on the road. He also owed $722 in
back tickets, according to family members and corrections documents. Harris was
arrested and later taken to Delaney Hall, a unique, private facility in Newark
that opened nine years ago as an alternative to jail for Essex County's
low-level offenders. Two days after he was shown his bed May 16 in Delaney Hall,
Harris was dead. Three inmates -- Ibn Goodman, 18, Giancarlo Bonilla, 29, and
Luis Gonzalez, 19 -- have been accused of beating and strangling Harris in the
middle of the night, then robbing him of $20. His death is the first homicide
committed at the facility since it opened, said Scott Faunce, director of the
Essex County Department of Corrections. In comparison, there have only been two
homicides in the state's 14 prisons since 2006, said Matt Schuman, a spokesman
with the state Department of Corrections. The incident has sparked three
investigations -- one by the private company that runs the 1,120-bed facility,
one by Essex County, which paid the firm to operate the facility, and another by
the state Department of Corrections, which inspected the facility for the first
time in February, county officials said. They will look at who is placed in the
facility and how inmates are grouped together, county and state officials said.
As for Harris' family, they want to know why none of Delaney Hall's staff saw
the fight and stopped it. "I still can't grasp what happened," said Terence
Moore, 39, one of Harris' younger brothers. "Somebody goes in on a traffic
ticket and doesn't make it out?" Inmate advocates also say they are concerned
that Essex County has contracted a private corrections company that is allowed
to operate and staff its facility with no accountability to state corrections
authorities. "Anyone can end up there," said Penny Venetis, a Rutgers Law School
professor who won a groundbreaking U.S. Supreme Court ruling on behalf of
detainees abused at a private facility in Elizabeth. "It should not have
happened at all. They are getting our tax dollars to run these facilities."
There are several other private corrections facilities in the state funded with
public funds. Delaney Hall is one of the only ones that take jail inmates, said
a state Department of Corrections spokeswoman. Freeholder Ralph Caputo, who
chairs the freeholder board's public safety committee, said Camden County
officials consider Delaney Hall a model facility and are studying it as they
consider privatizing their jail. "It's been a very good program. Delaney Hall
has worked in every way for Essex County," Caputo said. Delaney Hall's mission
is to end recidivism through counseling and education, according to executives
who manage the facility on Doremus Street. At the time of Harris' death, about
650 men and 70 women lived there, according to Essex County officials. "It's an
alternative to prison in a therapeutic setting," said William Palatucci, senior
vice president of Community Education Centers Inc. of West Caldwell. In Delaney
Hall, inmates can receive job training and treatment for drug and alcohol abuse,
said Palatucci. Inmates are not locked in their rooms at night, and they are
offered incentives for good behavior, such as being able to order take-out one
night a month. Unlike a jail, the facility is staffed only with counselors. Some
are former inmates, which, a company spokesman said, is in keeping with the
facility's mission to rehabilitate offenders. Laura Cohen, a Rutgers Law School
professor who runs the school's Urban Legal Clinic, said what has attracted
government entities to contracting private corrections companies is that many of
them are not unionized. "State, counties and other jurisdictions have looked to
these companies as cost-savings measures," Cohen said. The county is paying
Education and Health Centers of America Inc. in Roseland, which contracts with
Community Education Centers, up to $20 million a year to operate the facility,
according to county records and company officials. Joe Amato, president of the
Essex County corrections officers' union and a regular critic of Delaney Hall,
said the facility's differences are what make it dangerous for its inmates. He
contends that the staff monitoring inmates should be trained in law enforcement,
just like other corrections officers who are required to spend 14 weeks at a
training academy before working in a jail. The lack of training for staff is
only exacerbated at Delaney Hall, Amato said, because people charged with
serious crimes are housed with people charged with minor offenses. One of the
main criteria used to determine if an inmate may be housed in Delaney Hall is
the inmate's bail amount. Anyone with a bail of $75,000 or less is eligible,
said Faunce. Harris had a previous drug conviction in 2007 for manufacturing and
distributing less than half an ounce of cocaine, but was jailed for traffic
violations, according to corrections records. Owing $722 in fines, Harris' bail
was his outstanding ticket amounts. The suspects in Harris' death also met the
bail criteria. Bonilla, arrested on drug and several weapons charges, had bail
set at $75,000. He was released from South Woods State Prison in Cumberland
County in September 2005 after serving a year and a half for a drug dealing
conviction, according to state prison records. Goodman's bail was set at $70,000
after he was arrested on charges of distributing narcotics near a school, and
Gonzalez was starting a four-year state sentence for a parole violation and had
no bail set prior to being accused of Harris' murder, according to correction
records. Amato said the county put as many inmates as possible in Delaney Hall
to make room in the county jail for federal prisoners and detainees because the
county makes money by housing these inmates. Essex County officials denied the
allegation. "It is categorically untrue that as a result of a relationship with
the federal programs that we were somehow pushing people into Delaney Hall in
order to make room for revenue," Essex County Administrator Joyce Harley said.
Faunce said the county would take a serious look at the result of the
investigations, but that little could have been done to prevent Harris' death.
"It could not be predicted, no matter what kind of screening process you have in
place," he said.
East Jersey Prison
Rahway, New Jersey
Correctional Medical Services
February 22, 2009 Courier News
A state appeals court reinstated a lawsuit filed by a prisoner at East
Jersey State Prison in which he contends that the company that provided medical
treatment to inmates delayed giving him necessary back surgery. Cecil Fearon,
65, who is serving a 50-year sentence for drug trafficking, eventually underwent
the surgery to fuse vertebrae, but the delay hurt his chances of a full
recovery, he contends. Named as defendants are Correctional Medical Services and
doctors involved in Fearon's case or connected to the company, Paul Talbot,
Arlene Tinker, Manar Hanna, Lawrence Donkor, Richard Hellander and Ahab Gabriel.
A call placed to the attorney for the defendants was returned by a Correctional
Medical Services spokeswoman who declined comment, citing the ongoing
litigation. A trial judge threw out Fearon's lawsuit, saying his medical
negligence claims were outside the statute of limitations. The three-judge
panel, which did not identify the trial judge in its opinion, ruled that the
judge erred in dismissing Fearon's case. According to the opinion, Fearon
received an MRI of his spine in August 2003 and March 2004 after complaints of
difficulty walking and pain in his back. A doctor cleared him for surgery, “if
approved,” according to the opinion. In June 2004, a neurological surgeon
examined Fearon and recommended back surgery. The doctor, Anthony Churico,
recommended it again in April 2005. It was not scheduled and performed until
January 2006. “According to Dr. Churico, this delay in performing the surgery
caused plaintiff's condition to worsen and compromised the results of the
surgery,” the appeals panel wrote in its opinion. Fearon filed suit in May 2006.
The state Department of Corrections replaced Correctional Medical Services in
September with the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey.
Elizabeth
Detention Center
Elizabeth, New Jersey
CCA (formerly run by Correctional Services Corporation, bought by GEO Group)
Officials Hid Truth
of Immigrant Deaths in Jail by Nina Bernstein January 9, 2010 New York Times
April 27, 2010 RT
The US Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agency holds thousands of
undocumented immigrants in prisons around the country, and the truth of what
happens inside is a closely guarded secret. An industrial part of Elizabeth, New
Jersey is the state’s largest jail for the undocumented, kept full courtesy of
US Immigration and Customs Enforcement, otherwise known as ICE. Detainees inside
usually face deportation, but in some cases, the outcome is much worse. Boubacar
Bah, 52, slipped and fell in a shower inside the facility. According to his
attorney, although he suffered a traumatic brain injury, his strange behavior
was treated as “acting out.” As a result of his behavior, he was placed in
solitary confinement. After suffering a solitary cell for more than 12 hours, he
was rushed into emergency brain surgery. Doctors found that he had suffered
multiple brain hemorrhages and a skull fracture. He fell into a coma, where he
remained for four months before dying. Nearly three years later, family and
friends are still waiting for answers as to why Bah was in the prison and how he
died. “He had never been arrested. Never done nothing wrong. We want to know
what happened to him. He was a human being,” said Moussa Dia, Bah’s friend. To
US officials, the Guinean immigrant was a criminal. He lived in New York for
roughly eight years with an expired work visa. In 2006, Bah paid a visit to his
native land under a special Green Card program, but on his way back, he was
detained and locked up by ICE officials. “Right now, ICE is only accountable to
itself. It engages in self policing. Therefore third parties can’t sue to
enforce their own internal standards. ICE just has its own standards, and it can
choose to follow them or not,” said Venita Gupta, an attorney with the ACLU
based in New York. An estimated 380,000 immigrants were imprisoned last year–up
300 percent from a decade ago–and punishing them can be profitable for the
Corrections Corporation of America, or CCA. The nation’s largest private prison
provider is subcontracted by ICE to operate more than 60 facilities, including
the New Jersey jail where Boubacar Bah was last seen alive. “There’s been a
huge, huge increase and its part of the prison industrial complex in this
country, and the growth of prisons and the growth of private prison contractors
that get these very meaty contracts by the government and they are making a lot
of money running these facilities,” said Gupta. In 2008, CCA made just under
$1.6 billion. Meanwhile, ICE is requesting a budget increase from Washington.
They are hoping to get $5.8 billion for the next fiscal year. However, a price
tag can’t be put on Boubacar Bah’s life, and the official word from ICE is that
the case is still pending. February 12, 2010 Art Threat
In solidarity with the detainees currently on hunger strike to protest
inhumane conditions at the Los Fresnos immigration jail (Port Isabel, TX), I’m
highlighting Homeland Guantanamos. Much more than an educational online game,
this project documents actual detainees’ stories and the abuses they endured
while in detention. Approximately 300,000 immigrants both legal and illegal are
being detained in the U.S., many without conviction of any crime. This
non-linear storytelling/investigative project invites players to discover what’s
really happening on the inside. The game’s assignment: go undercover by working
as a prison guard and find the truth about what happened to Boubacar Bah, an
immigrant from Ghinea who died while in ICE custody May 30, 2007. Free Range
Studios built the virtual facility to match the Elizabeth Detention Center (run
by the private company Corrections Corporation of America) where Bah was
detained and designed the story around the actual events and people involved.
While exploring each room, I found clues to help solve the case including
embedded video interviews with Bah’s friends and family, his fellow detainees
and their families. The video and written evidence reveal human rights abuses
that mimic those committed at Guantanamo and other U.S. secret prisons.
Partnering with Free Range Studios, the international human rights organization
Breakthrough used this project to launch a national engagement campaign.
Included on the site are innumerable ways to take action, a memorial wall for
the 87 immigrants who’ve died while in detention and a searchable U.S. map that
locates local Gitmos by zip code. The article that triggered this project along
with the recently released video What Really Happened to Boubacar Bah can both
be found here. Spreading, creating or participating in projects as informative
and comprehensive as this encourages the beginning of the end of real homeland
Guantanamos.
June 22, 2008 The Record
Immigration advocates on Thursday denounced the immigrant detention system as
inhumane and expressed support for a proposed bill that aims to improve medical
care for detainees. Standing across the street from the Elizabeth Detention
Center, a converted warehouse in Elizabeth that holds some 300 non-criminal
detainees, the advocates cited recent published reports that said more than 60
people have died in recent years while in the custody of immigration officials.
"The lack of federal immigration reform has contributed to the death of these
detainees," said Shai Goldstein, executive director of the New Jersey
Immigration Policy Network. "That is unacceptable and un-American." The group of
a couple dozen advocates, about half of whom were clergy, said they wanted to
draw attention to legislation introduced by Sen. Bob Menendez, D-N.J., that
establishes procedures for medical services to immigrant detainees. Describing
the medical care at immigrant detention centers as a haphazard one that has
denied detainees adequate — and even lifesaving — medication, Menendez says the
Detainee Basic Medical Care Act would ensure that detention would "never amount
to a death sentence." Officials of the Newark office of U.S. Immigration and
Customs Enforcement, which oversees the center, declined comment on the
accusations about medical care, citing pending litigation. But, ICE spokesman
Harold Ort said: "ICE meets the highest standards of law enforcement." At one
point during the press conference, two employees of Corrections Corporation of
America, the private contractor that operates the center, walked toward the
group and asked questions of some people, including reporters, including their
names and the advocates' purpose. One of the employees, a man whose name tag
said "Dickerson," jotted down notes while looking at the group. CCA later
confirmed that T. Dickerson is the center's assistant warden. "Is that Jim
McGreevey?" asked the other employee, a woman. Dickerson looked at McGreevey,
then scribbled in his notebook. James McGreevey, the former governor and current
student at an Episcopal seminary in New York, said only that he was there as a
parishioner of All Saints Episcopal Parish in Hoboken, with All Saints' pastor,
Jeff Curtis. Later, the advocates assailed the CCA employees, saying their
presence was meant to intimidate.Several advocates said they visit the detainees
in the center and have heard and seen some troubling things firsthand. The
conference was part of a national event, "A Night of One Thousand
Conversations," meant to spotlight concerns about immigrant detention and
enforcement actions by immigration agents. May 5, 2008 New York Times
Word spread quickly inside the windowless walls of the Elizabeth Detention
Center, an immigration jail in New Jersey: A detainee had fallen, injured his
head and become incoherent. Guards had put him in solitary confinement, and late
that night, an ambulance had taken him away more dead than alive. But outside,
for five days, no official notified the family of the detainee, Boubacar Bah, a
52-year-old tailor from Guinea who had overstayed a tourist visa. When frantic
relatives located him at University Hospital in Newark on Feb. 5, 2007, he was
in a coma after emergency surgery for a skull fracture and multiple brain
hemorrhages. He died there four months later without ever waking up, leaving
family members on two continents trying to find out why. Mr. Bah’s name is one
of 66 on a government list of deaths that occurred in immigration custody from
January 2004 to November 2007, when nearly a million people passed through. The
list, compiled by Immigration and Customs Enforcement after Congress demanded
the information, and obtained by The New York Times under the Freedom of
Information Act, is the fullest accounting to date of deaths in immigration
detention, a patchwork of federal centers, county jails and privately run
prisons that has become the nation’s fastest-growing form of incarceration. The
list has few details, and they are often unreliable, but it serves as a rough
road map to previously unreported cases like Mr. Bah’s. And it reflects a
reality that haunts grieving families like his: the difficulty of getting
information about the fate of people taken into immigration custody, even when
they die. Mr. Bah’s relatives never saw the internal records labeled
“proprietary information — not for distribution” by the Corrections Corporation
of America, which runs the New Jersey detention center for the federal
government. The documents detail how he was treated by guards and government
employees: shackled and pinned to the floor of the medical unit as he moaned and
vomited, then left in a disciplinary cell for more than 13 hours, despite
repeated notations that he was unresponsive and intermittently foaming at the
mouth. Mr. Bah had lived in New York for a decade, surrounded by a large circle
of friends and relatives. The extravagant gowns he sewed to support his wife and
children in West Africa were on display in a Manhattan boutique. But he died in
a sequestered system where questions about what had happened to him, or even his
whereabouts, were met with silence. As the country debates stricter enforcement
of immigration laws, thousands of people who are not American citizens are being
locked up for days, months or years while the government decides whether to
deport them. Some have no valid visa; some are legal residents, but have past
criminal convictions; others are seeking asylum from persecution. Death is a
reality in any jail, and the medical neglect of inmates is a perennial issue.
But far more than in the criminal justice system, immigration detainees and
their families lack basic ways to get answers when things go wrong. No
government body is required to keep track of deaths and publicly report them. No
independent inquiry is mandated. And often relatives who try to investigate the
treatment of those who died say they are stymied by fear of immigration
authorities, lack of access to lawyers, or sheer distance. Federal officials say
deaths are reviewed internally by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which
reports them to its inspector general and decides which ones warrant
investigation. Officials say they notify the detainee’s next of kin or
consulate, and report the deaths to local medical authorities, who may conduct
autopsies. In Mr. Bah’s case, a review before his death found no evidence of
foul play, an immigration spokesman said, though after later inquiries from The
Times, he said a full review of the death was under way. But critics, including
many in Congress, say this piecemeal process leaves too much to the agency’s
discretion, allowing some deaths to be swept under the rug while potential
witnesses are transferred or deported. They say it also obscures underlying
complaints about medical care, abusive conditions or inadequate suicide
prevention. In January, the House passed a bill that would require states that
receive certain federal money to report deaths in custody to their attorneys
general. But the bill is stalled in the Senate, and it does not cover federal
facilities. The only tangible result of Congressional concern has been the list
of 66 deaths, which names Mr. Bah and many other detainees for the first time,
but raises as many questions as it answers. For Mr. Bah’s survivors, the mystery
of his death is hard to bear. In Guinea, his first wife, Dalanda, wept as she
spoke about the contradictory accounts that had reached her and her two teenage
sons through other detainees, including some who speculated that Mr. Bah had
been beaten. In New York, a cousin who is an American citizen, Khadidiatou Bah,
38, said she was unable to bring a lawsuit, in part because other relatives were
afraid of antagonizing the authorities. “They don’t want to push the case, or
maybe they will be sent home,” she said. “This guy was killed, and we don’t know
what happened.” Lingering Questions -- The list of deaths where Mr. Bah’s name
surfaced is often cryptic. Along with 13 deaths cited as suicides and 14 as the
result of cardiac ailments, it offers such causes as “undetermined” and
“unwitnessed arrest, epilepsy.” No one’s nationality is given, some places of
detention are omitted, and some names and birth dates seem garbled. As a result,
many families could not be tracked down for this article. But when they could
be, they posed more disturbing questions. In California, relatives of Walter
Rodriguez-Castro, 28, said they were rebuffed when they tried to find out why
his calls had stopped coming from the Kern County Jail in Bakersfield in April
2006. Then in June, his wife went to his scheduled hearing in San Francisco’s
immigration court and learned that he had been dead for many weeks, his body
unclaimed in the county morgue. The coroner found that Mr. Rodriguez-Castro, a
mover from El Salvador in the country illegally, had died of undiagnosed
meningitis and H.I.V., after days complaining of fever, stiff neck and vomiting.
The cause of death on the government’s list: “unresponsive.” Immigration
authorities said on Friday that the case was now under review, but would not
answer questions about it or other deaths on the list. Sgt. Ed Komin, a
spokesman for the jail, said the death had been promptly reported to immigration
officials, who were responsible for notifying families. Four sons in another
family, in Sacramento, described trying for days to get medical care for their
father, Maya Nand, a 56-year-old legal immigrant from Fiji, at a detention
center run by the Corrections Corporation in Eloy, Ariz. Mr. Nand, an
architectural draftsman, had been ailing when he was taken into custody on Jan.
13, 2005, apparently because his application for citizenship had been rejected,
based on an earlier conviction for misdemeanor domestic violence. In collect
calls, the sons said, he told them that despite his chest pains and breathing
problems, doctors at the detention center did not take his condition seriously.
The Corrections Corporation said he had been seen and treated “multiple times.”
But a letter to the family from an immigration official said his treatment was
for a respiratory infection. The letter said that Mr. Nand was taken to an
emergency room on Jan. 25, where congestive heart failure was diagnosed, and
that he “suffered an apparent heart attack while at the hospital.” He died on
Feb. 2, 2005, shackled to a hospital bed in Tucson. Boubacar Bah had more going
for him than many detainees. He had a lawyer and many friends and relatives in
the United States, and his detention center in New Jersey was one of the few
frequented by immigrant advocates. But three days after he suffered a head
injury in detention last year, no one in his New York circle knew that he was
lying comatose in a Newark hospital, where he had already been identified as a
possible organ donor. “Thank you for the referral,” an organ-sharing network
wrote on Feb. 3, 2007, according to hospital records. “This patient is a
potential candidate for organ donation once brain death criteria is met.” Four
days after the fall, tipped off by a detainee who called Mr. Bah’s roommate in
Brooklyn, relatives rushed to the detention center to ask Corrections
Corporation employees where he was. “They wouldn’t give us any information,”
said Lamine Dieng, an American citizen who teaches physics at Bronx Community
College and is married to Mr. Bah’s cousin Khadidiatou. On the fifth day, they
said, a detention official called them with the name of the hospital. There they
found Mr. Bah on life support, still in custody, with a detention guard around
the clock. “There was one guard who knew Boubacar,” Ms. Bah said. “He told me on
the down-low: ‘This guy, you have to fight for him. This guy was neglected.’ ”
Within the week, word of the case reached a reporter at The Times, through an
immigration lawyer who had received separate calls from two detainees; they were
upset about a badly injured man — named “something like Aboubakar” — left in an
isolation cell and later found near death. But advocacy groups said they were
unaware of the case. And Michael Gilhooly, the spokesman for Immigration and
Customs Enforcement, said that without the man’s full name and eight-digit alien
registration number, he could not check the information. For those who knew Mr.
Bah, it was hard to understand how such a man could lie dying without
explanations. “Everybody liked Boubacar,” said Sadio Diallo, 48, who has a
tailor shop in Flatbush, Brooklyn, where he and Mr. Bah had shared an apartment
with fellow immigrants since arriving in 1998. “He’s a very, very, very good
man.” For six years, Mr. Bah had worked for L’Impasse, a clothing store in the
West Village, sewing dresses that sold for up to $2,000 with what a former
manager, Abdul Sall, called his “magic hands.” Mr. Bah often spent Sundays at
the Bronx townhouse his cousins had inherited from the family’s first American
citizen, a seaman who arrived in 1943. In Africa, Mr. Bah’s earnings not only
supported his first wife, sons and ailing mother, but in Guinean tradition,
allowed him to wed a second wife, long distance. It was his longing to see them
all again after eight years that landed him in detention. When he returned from
a three-month visit to Guinea in May 2006, immigration authorities at Kennedy
Airport told him that his green card application had been denied while he was
away, automatically revoking his permission to re-enter the United States. An
immigration lawyer hired by his friends was unable to reopen the application
while Mr. Bah waited for nine months in detention, records showed. Mr. Bah died
on May 30, 2007, after four months in a coma. His lawyer, Theodore Vialet,
requested detention reports and hospital records under the Freedom of
Information Act. But by the time the records arrived last autumn, the idea of a
lawsuit had been dropped. So Mr. Vialet just filed the records away — until a
reporter’s call about a name on the list of dead detainees prompted him to dig
them out. After the Fall -- There are 57 pages of documents, some neatly typed
by medics, some scrawled by guards. Some quote detainees who said Mr. Bah was
ailing for two days before his fall on Feb. 1, and asked in vain to see a
doctor. The records leave unclear exactly when or how Mr. Bah was injured in
detention. But they leave no doubt that guards, supervisors, government medical
employees and federal immigration officers played a role in leaving him
untreated, hour after hour, as he lapsed into a stupor. It began about 8 a.m.,
according to the earliest report. Guards called a medical emergency after a
detainee saw Mr. Bah collapse near a toilet, hitting the back of his head on the
floor. When he regained consciousness, Mr. Bah was taken to the medical unit,
which is run by the federal Public Health Service. He became incoherent and
agitated, reports said, pulling away from the doctor and grabbing at the unit
staff. Physicians consulted later by The Times called this a textbook symptom of
intracranial bleeding, but apparently no one recognized that at the time. He was
handcuffed and placed in leg restraints on the floor with medical approval, “to
prevent injury,” a guard reported. “While on the floor the detainee began to
yell in a foreign language and turn from side to side,” the guard wrote, and the
medical staff deemed that “the screaming and resisting is behavior problems.”
Mr. Bah was ordered to calm down. Instead, he kept crying out, then “began to
regurgitate on the floor of medical,” the report said. So Mr. Bah was written up
for disobeying orders. And with the approval of a physician assistant, Michael
Chuley, who wrote that Mr. Bah’s fall was unwitnessed and “questionable,” the
tailor was taken in shackles to a solitary confinement cell with instructions
that he be monitored. Under detention protocols, an officer videotaped Mr. Bah
as he lay vomiting in the medical unit, but the camera’s battery failed, guards
wrote, when they tried to tape his trip to cell No. 7. Inside the cell, a
supervisor removed Mr. Bah’s restraints. He was unresponsive to questions asked
by the Public Health Service officer on duty, a report said, adding: “The
detainee set up in his bed and moan and he fell to his left side and hit his
head on the bed rail.” About 9 a.m., with the approval of the health officer and
a federal immigration agent, the cell was locked. The watching began. As guards
checked hourly, Mr. Bah appeared to be asleep on the concrete floor, snoring.
But he could not be roused to eat lunch or dinner, and at 7:10 p.m., “he began
to breathe heavily and started foaming slightly at the mouth,” a guard wrote. “I
notified medical at this time.” However, the nurse on duty rejected the guard’s
request to come check, according to reports. And at 8 p.m., when the warden went
to the medical unit to describe Mr. Bah’s condition, the nurse, Raymund Dela
Pena, was not alarmed. “Detainee is likely exhibiting the same behavior as
earlier in the day,” he wrote, adding that Mr. Bah would get a mental health
exam in the morning. About 10:30 p.m., more than 14 hours after Mr. Bah’s fall,
the same nurse, on rounds, recognized the gravity of his condition:
“unresponsive on the floor incontinent with foamy brown vomitus noted around
mouth.” Smelling salts were tried. Mr. Bah was carried back to the medical unit
on a stretcher. Just before 11, someone at the jail called 911. When an
ambulance left Mr. Bah at the hospital, brain scans showed he had a fractured
skull and hemorrhages at all sides of his swelling brain. He was rushed to
surgery, and the detention center was informed of the findings. But in a report
to their supervisors the next day, immigration officials at the center described
Mr. Bah’s ailment as “brain aneurysms” — a diagnosis they corrected a week later
to “hemorrhages,” without mentioning the skull fracture. After Mr. Bah’s death,
they wrote that his hospitalization was “subsequent to a fall in the shower.”
The nurse, Mr. Dela Pena, and the physician assistant, Mr. Chuley, said that
only their superiors could discuss the case. The Public Health Service did not
respond to questions, and the Corrections Corporation said medical decisions
were the responsibility of the Public Health Service. Mr. Bah’s cousins demanded
an autopsy, but the Union County medical examiner’s confidential report was not
completed until Dec. 6. It was sent to the county prosecutor’s office only as a
matter of routine, because the matter had been classified as an “unattended
accident resulting in death.” Prosecutors said they did not investigate.
“According to the report, Bah suffered a fall in the shower,” Eileen Walsh, a
spokeswoman for the prosecutors, said in an e-mail message. “We are not privy to
any other bits of information.” In the home movies Mr. Bah made of his last
journey home, he is only a fleeting presence: a slim man with a shy smile. But
without his support, relatives in Africa say they have little money for food and
none for his sons’ schooling. His body went back to Guinea in a sealed coffin.
“I stayed here seven years, waiting for him,” his second wife, Mariama, said in
French, recalling their long separation and the brief reunion that led to the
birth of their son, now a toddler, while Mr. Bah was in detention. “I wanted
them to open the casket,” she added, “to know if it was him inside. Until today,
I cry for him.” November 13, 2007 India Post
An Immigration Detention Center in Elizabeth, New Jersey reversed a ban
against turbans. Three detained Sikh men were barred from wearing turbans for
months. The facility changed its policy three weeks after the Sikh Coalition
intervened. Three Sikhs have been currently detained for immigration violations
at the Elizabeth Detention Center (EDC) by Immigrations Customs Enforcement
(ICE) of the Department of Homeland Security. EDC is run by a private government
contractor, Corrections Corporation of America (CCA). The men were put in
detention at various times within the past 15 months. CCA disallowed them from
wearing their turbans during this time. On October 7, a family friend of one of
the Sikh detainees contacted the Sikh Coalition requesting assistance. The
Coalition then contacted the family of the detained man, and subsequently was
able to communicate with all three Sikh detainees. All three asked the Coalition
for help to persuade the detention centre to allow them to wear their
turbans.The Sikh Coalition spoke to the Chief of Security at EDC on October 12.
The Coalition explained that their refusal to allow Sikh detainees to wear
turbans violated: firstly, ICE's Detention Standards regarding Religious
Practices, and secondly the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons
Act. The Coalition also raised the issue in a memorandum to ICE officials on
October 17 in preparation for an interagency meeting in Washington, DC hosted by
the Department of Justice. The next day, the Legal Aid Society of New York and
the Coalition also sent a joint letter to the detention center's Warden,
explaining that CCA was violating the law. On October 22 the Warden contacted
the Legal Aid Society and indicated that the center would allow the men to wear
their religious headwear subject to safety and security considerations.
November 13, 2007 AP
A federal jury on Tuesday awarded a political asylum $100,001 after finding that
her rights were violated while in custody at a detention center operated for
U.S. immigration authorities by a private contractor, the immigrant's lawyer
said. The jury said the operator, then known as Esmor Corp., and some former
executives, should pay $100,000 to Somali immigrant Hawa Jama for negligent
hiring and training, and $1 for violating the Religious Freedom Restoration Act.
"Clearly, she would have been happier if she got more money, but she feels
vindicated," said the lawyer, Penny M. Venetis. The jury found no violation of
international human rights standards. The verdict came on the second day of
deliberations, but a decade after Jama and eight other immigrants sued the
company that ran the detention center in Elizabeth and what was then known as
the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Venetis said the eight others had
already settled for undisclosed sums, and the only remaining defendants were the
corporate successor to Esmor and former Esmor employees. Esmor is now part of
the Geo Group Inc. Messages seeking comment from its lawyer and a company
spokesman were not immediately returned. At trial, Jama testified that she
endured beatings, insults, rotting food and unsanitary conditions during her
11-month detention at the privately run jail in Elizabeth in 1994-95. The INS
closed the center following a riot in June 1995, when about 100 immigrants broke
windows, destroyed furniture and overpowered guards, claiming they were being
held under inhumane conditions. The INS fired Esmor, then of Melville, N.Y.,
after finding that poorly trained guards abused the detainees physically and
mentally, gave them spoiled food and deprived them of sleep. The detention
center reopened in January 1997 after renovations were completed by its new
operator, Corrections Corp. of America, of Nashville, Tenn. Jama, now in her
late 30s, got married several years ago and now lives with her husband and three
children in Columbus, Ohio, Venetis said. Jama had fled tribal warfare in
Somalia that claimed her father and brother, and became a U.S. citizen last
year, said Venetis, a law professor at Rutgers School of Law-Newark and
co-director of its constitutional litigation clinic. "She really is still very
haunted by what happened at Esmor," Venetis said. "She has flashbacks." Venetis
claimed "corporate greed" created miserable conditions at the Esmor detention
center. Guards routinely beat and cursed detainees, with Jama being called "an
African monkey," Venetis said. "She was denied sanitary napkins, so she just
bled all over herself once a month," Venetis said. Charges were dismissed three
years ago against the INS and its officials, with U.S. District Judge Dickinson
R. Debevoise saying the government cannot be sued. He also dismissed some
charges against the company's guards, finding that individual actions did not
rise to the level of international human rights abuses. But he refused to
dismiss all charges against Esmor and its officials. Some 1,600 former Esmor
detainees got a $2.5 million settlement from Esmor in 2005, with most getting
less than $1,000 each after legal fees. That group did not include Jama and the
other eight who sued. Geo, a publicly traded company based in Boca Raton, Fla.,
reported 2006 profit of $30 million, or $1.68 per share, compared with $7
million, or 47 cents per share a year earlier. It had revenue of $860.9 million
in 2006, compared with $612.9 million in 2005.
March 4, 2007 Courier News
The way Living Waters Lutheran Church describes it, Elizabeth Detention
Facility is a living hell. The church says illegal immigrants, refugees and
asylum seekers are locked in a warehouse without sunlight. Detainees are denied
personal possessions, deprived of privacy and forced into a dormitory-style room
22 hours a day. Outdoor recreation, the church says, is a room with only a panel
in the ceiling open to the sky. Reports of such alleged conditions and legal
mismanagement have spurred the Hunterdon County congregation to plan a March 18
prayer vigil outside the center in Elizabeth, Union County. Short of closing
such facilities for good, the church says it hopes prayer will signal awareness
and comfort to those trapped in a "cruel maze of injustice." "We're interested
because, as people of faith, we have to be," said the Rev. Matthew Cimorelli,
the church's pastor. "There is an overarching message in the Scriptures
throughout the Old Testament and also in the New Testament that says things like
care for the widow and the orphan and the stranger and the alien in your midst.
... We care about the detainees in the Elizabeth Detention Center because it's a
mandate from God to do so. They're the least. They're the alien. They're the
stranger in our midst." And Living Waters isn't alone. The Rev. Bruce H.
Davidson, director of the New Jersey Synod's Lutheran Office of Governmental
Ministry, said Living Waters is one of many congregations heeding the synod's
call to learn what goes on inside the facility and to take turns gathering
there. Davidson estimates the synod -- which encompasses 192 congregations
throughout the state -- has attempted to draw attention to the center for the
past 10 years. For the past two, Davidson said, the synod has adopted official
resolutions calling for better treatment of detainees. "We're not questioning
that there needs to be controls in place," Davidson said. "We feel the controls
in place, if they are followed, will not only provide protection of our borders
but would also make sure people who find themselves in this situation are not
abused." Civil rights groups such as the American Civil Liberties Union of New
Jersey also have decried the treatment of detainees. In an article last year,
the ACLU estimated that roughly 1,100 immigrants were being held in a half-dozen
county jails throughout the state as well as the Elizabeth Detention Facility.
"Who are these individuals? Mostly, they are people who have overstayed their
visas or are otherwise not in legal status," the ACLU wrote of New Jersey's
detainees. "But many are asylum seekers fleeing persecution in their native
countries, only to find themselves arrested at U.S. airports. Most have
families, jobs and community ties in New Jersey. They are your neighbors,
friends, colleagues or even family members." Assistant Warden Charlotte Collins,
who said "we welcome all peaceful vigils," declined to comment on the treatment
of Elizabeth's detainees and the conditions inside the facility. The center is
operated under the federal Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement and the
Corrections Corporation of America. The Immigration and Customs Enforcement Web
site describes the facility as "a temporary detention center for individuals who
are waiting for their immigration status to be determined or who are awaiting
repatriation." But some churches and immigrant rights organizations counter that
the Department of Homeland Security, the agency ultimately responsible for
detention standards, regularly violates its own rules. In January, 84
immigration detainees, the National Immigration Project of the National Lawyers
Guild and six other immigrant rights organizations announced a joint petition to
the Department of Homeland Security asking the agency to adopt universal,
binding regulations for detainees. "The need for enforceable, uniform standards
that establish clear lines of accountability is especially critical in light of
the patchwork system of detention currently employed to house detainees,"
including local jails, the groups wrote. For Davidson, an immediate hope is that
detainees have their cases decided quickly and in accordance with international
law while detention centers preserve detainees' safety and human dignity.
Although Davidson acknowledged the synod's efforts have yet to prompt
legislative response, he said past vigils -- especially those attended by young
people -- have successfully raised awareness. "I think it changed people's minds
about immigration and also about the way we sometimes treat people," Davidson
said. "So, I think just the experience of bringing people to this place and
letting them know what happens, that is powerful enough to get people to change
their mind about this issue and to become active and make things different."
Said Cimorelli, Living Water's pastor: "We can't just sit in our churches and
sing songs and say that's serving God. You serve God by loving your neighbor.
And God is pretty clear about who the neighbor is." September 7, 2005 AP
Immigrants who claimed they were abused at a detention center won
a $2.5 million settlement from a private company that operated the center for
the federal government. After legal fees, some 1,600 detainees will divide about
$1.5 million based on how long they were held and what they said was done to
them, the New Jersey Law Journal reported this week. U.S. District Judge
Dickinson R. Debevoise, in Newark, approved the settlement Aug. 10. The
detainees were being held at the Elizabeth center between August 1994 and June
1995 for what was then called the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Many
have since been deported. The center was operated by Esmor Correctional
Services, then based in Melville, N.Y., until shortly after a June 1995 riot,
when about 100 immigrants broke windows, destroyed furniture and overpowered
guards, claiming they had suffered physical abuse and other inhumane conditions.
The INS closed the center and fired Esmor after its investigation found that
poorly trained guards abused the detainees physically and mentally, gave them
spoiled food and deprived them of sleep. The detention center reopened in
January 1997 after renovations were completed by its new operator, Corrections
Corp. of America, of Nashville, Tenn. Still pending is a related lawsuit against
Esmor, now known as Correctional Services Corp., of Sarasota, Fla., by nine
detainees who claim that political asylum seekers were abused and harassed at
the center.
November 17, 2004 AP
Evidence shows political asylum seekers were abused and harassed while detained
at a privately operated facility that lacked clean food, clothes and bedding, a
federal judge found as he refused to dismiss a lawsuit by nine immigrants. "You don't need to beat someone to a pulp until they're
ready to die to violate human rights law," said the lawyer, Penny M.
Venetis, associate director of the Constitutional Law Clinic at Rutgers School
of Law-Newark. The ruling, filed Nov. 10 by U.S. District Judge Dickinson R.
Debevoise in Newark, is the latest milestone in a lawsuit filed in 1997 against
what was then called the Immigration and Naturalization Service and the company
that ran its detention center in Elizabeth. The judge dismissed charges against
the INS and its officials, saying the government cannot be sued. He also
dismissed some charges against the company's guards, finding that individual
actions did not rise to the level of international human rights abuses, Venetis
said. But he refused to dismiss all charges against Correctional Services Corp.
and its officials. The Sarasota, Fla.-based company was known as Esmor Corp.
when it operated the INS detention center. The judge said
the evidence showed that detention center administrator Willard Stovall was
"fully aware" of abuses, and listed 21 examples, including the
beatings of detainees and the sexual assault of one female detainee. Other
examples cited by the judge were sexual harassment that included guards watching
women detainees take showers, broken toilets, defective heating, and lack of
access to supplies such as toothbrushes and toothpaste. In addition, guards
interfered with detainees' efforts to practice their religions, whether they
were Christian, Hindu or Muslim, the judge said. The
Elizabeth center was operated by Esmor, then based in Melville, N.Y., until
shortly after a June 1995 riot, when about 100 immigrants broke windows,
destroyed furniture and overpowered guards, claiming they suffered physical
abuse and other inhumane conditions. The INS closed the center and fired Esmor
after its investigation found that poorly trained guards abused the detainees
physically and mentally, gave them spoiled food and deprived them of sleep. The
detention center reopened in January 1997 after renovations were completed by
its new operator, Corrections Corp. of America, of Nashville, Tenn.
September 21, 2001
A Nigerian man whose accounts of abuse spawned a staff shake-up and reforms at
the Elizabeth Detention Center has been freed after spending nearly four years
behind bars. An immigration judge granted Oluwole Aboyade, 23, relief from
deportation under a United Nations convention against torture. In
1999, Aboyade and Salah Dafali, another detainee, accused guards at the
privately run detention center of beating them after they complained about
conditions. The center was operated by Corrections Corp. of America of
Nashville, Tenn. A subsequent INS investigation found many of the
accusations were credible. Several guards and supervisors were reassigned,
and INS officials demanded that the chief of security be transferred out of the
facility. The warden also resigned, citing personal reasons. (Naples Daily
News)
Dozens of detainees have started a
hunger strike to protest conditions and what they call an unfair parole process
and demanded reinstitution of cancelled English classes and an end to abusive
behavior by guards. (New York Times, Oct.15, 2000)
Nearly 100 detainees stage a hunger
strike to protest what they considered tough parole criteria. Immigration
officials promised to review parole requests and to study ways to increase the
quantity of food and lower prices of telephone cards used by detainees. (New
York Times, Oct.15, 2000)
A pending lawsuit alleges that
"a policy or practice that authorized CCA staff to use abusive practices to
control and discipline."
Essex County Jail
Essex County, New Jersey
Community Education Centers,
Gourmet Dining (formerly run by Aramark)
August 16, 2011 The Star-Ledger
The federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency is re-examining its deal
with Essex County to house 1,250 immigrant detainees after the county announced
it would throw out a controversial bid to hold them in a private facility run by
a politically-connected firm. Days after signing a five-year contract with ICE,
county officials said today they will seek another round of bids from vendors
after only receiving one application for the project from Education and Health
Centers of America, a nonprofit with ties to both Essex County Executive Joseph
DiVincenzo Jr. and Gov. Chris Christie. Essex County officials said they now
hope to secure a vendor by January. In the wake of the county’s announcement
this afternoon, the immigration agency said it had not been informed of the
change and released a terse statement. "ICE may need to renegotiate or modify
the terms of our current (agreement) with the county," said spokeswoman Gillian
Christensen. But county officials tried to downplay the change. "The public bid
we issued for a vendor to house immigration detainees in a private facility was
canceled, because Essex can save $600,000 by using an existing contract,"
DiVincenzo said in a written statement. In response to ICE’s plan to re-evaluate
the deal, DiVincenzo said there must be some confusion, and he would contact the
agency in the morning. "We already have a contract (with ICE). … I don’t know
where they’re coming from," he said last night. For about five years, the county
has had a contract with Delaney Hall, a private correctional facility on Doremus
Avenue in Newark run by the for-profit Community Education Centers. Now the
county will house immigrant detainees there under the existing contract, which
ends Dec. 31. CEC contracts with the nonprofit Education and Health Centers of
America, which in July put in a bid to house 450 ICE detainees at the facility.
County officials said the move would also save about $17 a day for each detainee
under the old contract. After the contract expires, detainees there could be
relocated if another bidder is selected. The rest of the detainees will be
housed at the county jail. "This does seem really odd. Really odd," said Amy
Gottlieb, director of the Immigrant Rights Program with the Newark chapter of
the American Friends Service Committee. "It does make me think that the exposure
of the unorthodox bidding process, the non-transparency of the bidding process,
has maybe raised some questions." Gottlieb and others, including Sen. Frank
Lautenberg, criticized the bid process calling for more transparency. The county
came under fire after the Education and Health Centers of America was the only
bidder for the contract. John Clancy, a former county youth services official,
heads both the Education and Health Centers of America and the Community
Education Centers and has contributed tens of thousands of dollars to the
campaigns of county and state officials. In addition to Clancy, a close friend
and former law-firm colleague of the governor, William Palatucci, serves as a
senior vice president for Community Education Centers. Today, Palatucci referred
most questions to the county. "We currently have a contractual relationship with
Essex County through the end of the year. We’ll have to wait and see to see what
happens," he said. Palatucci emphasized the company’s long relationship with
county government. "We have a good, strong track record for 11 years. We’d
expect that to continue in one shape or form going forward," he said. Ralph
Caputo, vice president of the county freeholder board and chairman of the public
safety committee, said the freeholders will review the contract with ICE at
their Wednesday meeting. He said the bid from Education and Health Centers of
America may not have been the best fit because of the timing. The ICE contract
is for five years, while the bid from Education and Health Centers of America
was for two years with an option to extend it. Caputo said although the bid
process has been controversial, he thinks the county is trying to do it right.
"I don’t think any of it was wrong," he said. "I think they just went a little
too fast." DiVincenzo also said that Philip Alagia will serve in a new position
as county director of ICE programs, adding $30,000 to his $108,645 salary as
DiVincenzo’s chief of staff.
August 12, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Essex County and the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency have
signed a new, five-year agreement that could nearly triple the number of federal
immigration detainees being held in Newark and generate as much as $50 million a
year for the county, ICE officials said today. Under the contract, up to 1,250
detainees would be held at the Essex County Jail and the privately-run Delaney
Hall. About 465 detainees are now held at the jail on an average day. Gillian
Christensen, a spokeswoman for ICE, said the deal was signed Thursday. Anthony
Puglisi, a spokesman for Essex County, said yesterday the county would have no
comment until it officially announces the deal. The county freeholders still
need to sign off on the agreement. Christensen said the contract calls for Essex
County to receive $108 per detainee per day over the life of the contract. A
similar arrangement, drawn up in 2008 at the rate of $105 per detainee per day,
generated about $22 million for the county last year and is expected to bring in
nearly $28 million this year, officials have said. The financial arrangement has
come under fire from opponents to federal immigration policy, who say that the
county is profiting from misguided mandates. "Essex County has shown that
profits come before human rights," said Karina Wilkinson, a co-founder of the
Middlesex County Coalition for Immigrant Rights and a frequent critic of Essex
County’s detention policies. "We are disappointed that the Obama administration
is continuing to expand detention and deportation to record levels, tearing
communities apart." The new contract gives ICE access to 800 beds at the county
jail and up to 450 beds at the adjacent Delaney Hall, Christensen said. In
recent weeks, detractors have argued the specifications in the county’s bid
request seeking housing for an additional 450 detainees was tailor-made for a
politically connected company. Education and Health Centers of America, based in
Wall Township, submitted the only bid. The non-profit firm has contracted with
the county to provide rehabilitation and other services for more than a decade.
In January, the county freeholders renewed a $20 million jail-services contract
with EHCA. The bulk of those services are run out of Delaney Hall, a residential
facility for criminal offenders that prepares them for re-entry into society.
Although EHCA is a nonprofit, it subcontracted its service contracts to
Community Education Centers, a for-profit company with which it is affiliated,
according to state officials. Both companies are headed by John Clancy, a former
county youth services official who has contributed tens of thousands of dollars
to the campaign of county and state officials, according to state elections
records. Freeholder Ralph Caputo said the board would meet with county
administrators as soon as Monday to discuss both the contract and EHCA’s bid.
"The basic objective is we want to be able to benefit the county with a
tremendous amount of revenue, but we want to do it appropriately," Caputo said
today. "There are a lot of specifics that have to addressed."
July 30, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Essex County officials are coming under heavy criticism over how they handled
the bidding process for a facility to house federal immigration detainees, a
contract potentially worth tens of millions of dollars. U.S. Sen. Frank
Lautenberg (D-N.J.) and immigration advocates are questioning whether the
request’s specifications were tailor-made for Education and Health Centers of
America, a politically connected firm that submitted the sole bid by Thursday’s
deadline. Specifications for the contract, which call for housing at least 450
detainees, include that the facility be located within a two-hour drive of
Newark, New York and Philadelphia and within a 10-mile radius of the Essex
County Jail on Doremus Avenue in Newark; that the successful bidder have a
facility already being used for correctional purposes; and that it be within 20
miles of a major airport. EHCA has contracted with the county to provide
rehabilitation and other services for more than a decade. "This smacks of some
kind of a backdoor deal," said Amy Gottlieb, director of the Immigrant Rights
Program with the Newark chapter of the American Friends Service Committee, a
Quaker faith-based organization. "It really seems to show the process was not
open." Gottlieb said the bid process raised "serious questions," particularly
since the contract involves incarceration. "The stakes are high. This isn’t a
game," she said. "You’re talking about depriving people’s liberty." In a letter
to John Morton, director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement,
Lautenberg, the vice chairman of a Senate subcommittee that oversees federal
funding to ICE, questioned whether the county’s bidding process was "entirely
fair, open and transparent." Before any agreement is finalized, Lautenberg
wrote, "I am requesting that ICE carefully examine the terms and conditions of
such an agreement, as well as the manner in which Essex County intends to
satisfy its obligations under the agreement in order to ensure that it fully
complies with all applicable law." County officials did not make the bid
available, saying it can only be inspected after a formal public-information
request is submitted and processed. An attorney for the company, William Harla,
said the company’s bid would be judged solely on its merits. "EHCA did not ask
for any special position in the process," Harla said in an e-mail. EHCA has
reaped about $500 million in county and state Department of Corrections
contracts since 1997, according to a state comptroller’s report last month. In
January, the county freeholders renewed a $20 million jail-services contract
with the company. The bulk of those services are run out of Delaney Hall, a
residential center on Doremus Avenue for criminal offenders that prepares them
for re-entry into society. Although EHCA is a nonprofit, it sub-contracted its
service contracts to a for-profit affiliate, Community Education Centers,
according to state officials. Both companies are headed by John Clancy, a former
county youth services official who has contributed tens of thousands of dollars
to the campaign of county and state officials, according to state elections
records. Besides Clancy, who also served as president of the New Jersey
Association for Youth Services and the chairman of the county’s Family Court
Commission, William Palatucci, a close friend and former law firm colleague of
Gov. Chris Christie, works for Community Education Centers. Clancy and Community
Education Centers have made hundreds of thousands of dollars in political
contributions to county and state candidates over the years, including the most
recent re-election campaign for Essex County Executive Joseph N. DiVincenzo Jr.
Those contributions have come under scrutiny from critics of the county’s ICE
contracts. Clancy, though, has said that "a battery of attorneys" have
determined his contributions are clearly within legal bounds. In a statement,
DiVincenzo said Lautenberg’s suspicions were misplaced. "While most senators
would fight for additional revenue to lower taxes and create jobs for their
constituents, Senator Frank Lautenberg has channeled his energy into preventing
Essex County’s taxpayers from receiving $50 million in revenue," DiVincenzo
said. The statement said the county fosters open and competitive pricing "so
that we can obtain the most professionally delivered and cost efficient services
for our residents."
July 18, 2010 The Star-Ledger
Aramark is the giant of America’s food-service industry, topping Fortune’s list
of the "World’s Most Admired Companies." So when Aramark, whose menu runs the
gamut from lobster rolls at Boston’s Fenway Park to meals for most of New
Jersey’s county inmates, came up short on a $12 million contract, it flexed its
legal muscle. In a tug-of-war featuring a debate over pennies per meal and
highlighting a criminal case against a competitor’s food-service executive, the
Philadelphia giant fought a court ruling giving New Jersey competitor Gourmet
Dining the very Essex County jail contract Aramark snatched from Gourmet in
2004. Then it relented. The 4-inch thick stack of legal briefs and exhibits is
now closed. But the legal battle — brief as it was — offers insights into the
clash of a food-service titan and its smaller competitor in the sometimes murky
world of competitive bidding. On one hand, Aramark Correctional Services bid
$1.32 a meal for each inmate, technically making it the lowest bidder. On the
other, Gourmet Dining bid $1.42, technically losing. But Essex County rejected
Aramark, saying its per-meal pricing wasn’t really "firm," as required by the
bid specifications, and threw open the bidding anew — an action Gourmet says was
a "thinly veiled attempt" to give Aramark time to fix its defective bid. On
April 1, Madison-based Gourmet sued, making references to Aramark’s "monopoly"
and asserting that its bid would actually save Essex $1.16 million over 3 years.
Aramark countered, saying Gourmet was not a "responsible bidder" since the man
it would put in charge of meals at the Essex County Correctional Facility had
been fired by Aramark for embezzling funds. "It’s a good old-fashioned game of
chicken," Professor Larry Bennett of the Whitman School of Management at
Syracuse University said of the legal punches and counter-punches. It’s the
second time the food-service competitors have squared off in a New Jersey
courtroom. Just 16 months ago, Gourmet Dining won a ruling in Monmouth County,
snatching a contract initially awarded to Aramark for that county’s inmates.
"We’re pretty happy with it," Savino Russoniello Jr., the West Orange attorney
representing Gourmet Dining, said of the latest outcome. "The county is going to
be saving money with the new contract. The taxpayers are the winners here."
That’s not the way Aramark sees it. "Our proposal would have provided the county
with $800,000 in savings over the term of the contract compared with the
selected bid," said Sarah Jarvis, an Aramark spokeswoman. But Aramark, which
held Essex County’s contract from 2004 til now, wasn’t burning any bridges. "We
delivered outstanding service to Essex County over the past seven years and hope
we have the opportunity to do so again," she said. To James Paganelli, Essex
County’s chief county counsel, the truth lies somewhere in the great divide.
"They’re both going to give you a competing analysis," he said. Gourmet Dining’s
legal complaint was just that, and a painstaking one. Gourmet, whose $40 million
a year in revenues includes serving means to undergrads at Seton Hall University
and executives at Hertz, asserted that Aramark was able to push up the price it
charges for an inmate meal in Essex by 49 percent from March 2004 to May 2009.
That was, in part, the basis for its argument that Aramark’s latest bid was not
based on a "firm price" as required by the bid specifications, according to the
lawsuit. On Feb. 18, Gourmet Dining protested in a letter to Essex County. Less
than a month later, Essex rejected Aramark’s bid on the basis that it did not
submit a "firm quote" and sent a memorandum of agreement to Gourmet Dining. But
on March 26, the county instead rejected all bids and opted to rebid, altering
the terms, noting "confusing and misleading" bid wording that created
"uncertainty," and adding a provision disqualifying any bidder on the basis of a
key executive’s criminal record. On June 23, in a 5-page opinion, Superior Court
Judge Claude Coleman, sitting in Newark, rejected Essex’s decision to reopen the
bids and ordered the county to award the contract to Gourmet. "Rejecting all
bids was improper, without sound reasons, and was an abuse of discretion,"
Coleman ruled. "Aramark’s bid was not in compliance with the bid
specifications." As for the former Aramark employee about to handle Gourmet
Dining’s Essex contract, he pled guilty of theft by deception, was sentenced to
probation and ordered to attend Gamblers Anonymous, according to court papers.
Paganelli, the county counsel, said he listened to the judge’s advice on that
issue. "Judge Coleman said, ‘You have the right to pick whoever that leader is
going to be. Just tell them that person is not acceptable to you, and they’ll
get you another person." Did Essex follow through? Paganelli was succinct.
"Yep," he said.
Giants
Stadium
New Jersey
Aramark
December 3, 2008 Star-Ledger
The family of a young girl paralyzed in a
drunk-driving accident nine years ago received a $25 million settlement from
Aramark Corp., the Giants Stadium beer vendor whose employees continued to serve
the intoxicated fan who caused the crash. The settlement with the family of
Antonia Verni, who is now 11, took place last year but was not disclosed until
today, when a state appeals court ruled that sealed documents in the case must
be made public. Antonia, a quadriplegic who requires a ventilator to breathe,
received $23.5 million in the settlement, said the family's lawyer, David A.
Mazie of Roseland. Her mother, Fazila Verni, received $1.5 million for injuries
she suffered in the crash.
October 25, 2007 The Record
On a fall Sunday eight years ago, Antonia Verni of Cliffside Park was sent
to a harsh prison, probably for the rest of her life. Her incarceration does not
include steel bars, stone walls and stern guards, though. Antonia's prison is
far more merciless. On that Sunday, a man who later said he was "beyond drunk,"
drove his pickup truck head-on into the Verni family's Toyota Corolla. Antonia
was paralyzed from the neck down. She was only 2 years old and was returning
with her mother and father from a trip to pick pumpkins. Antonia now spends her
days in a wheelchair, hooked to a breathing machine and monitored by a nurse.
Over the course of her life, her parents, who quit their jobs to care for her,
may have to come up with as much as $32 million to pay all of Antonia's medical
bills. The fiery crash on Terrace Avenue in Hasbrouck Heights, which also left
Antonia's mother partially blind, galvanized national attention to the dangers
of drunken drivers. But it raised other questions, too: What about those who
serve booze to drunks? Are servers guilty? If not, why not? The drunken driver,
Daniel Lanzaro, a Cresskill carpenter and father of two young sons, spent that
tragic day swilling the equivalent of three six-packs of beer, mostly inside
Giants Stadium. When he rammed his truck into the Verni car, his blood alcohol
level was more than three times the legal limit. Didn't anyone who sold beer at
Giants Stadium or at area bars later visited by Lanzaro notice that he was blind
drunk? As you might expect, this tragedy landed in court. Lanzaro pleaded guilty
to a criminal charge of vehicular assault and was sentenced to five years in
prison. The Verni family filed a lawsuit, and won a historic $135 million
judgment, with $105 million of it to come from the stadium beer vendor, Aramark
Corp. Aramark appealed – no surprise there. Nor was it surprising that lawyers
for Antonia's family and Aramark privately worked out a settlement, approved
last week by a Bergen County judge. What's surprising – and sad -- is that the
judge sealed the records. This pivotal chapter of Antonia's story needs to be
told, not locked in a judicial file drawer. We've heard many times how drunken
driving wrecks innocent lives. Indeed, such stories are important. But we also
need to explore other, wide-ranging implications of drunken driving, especially
for those who sell booze in taverns or at public sporting events. Our government
issues liquor licenses to these vendors. Why shouldn't taxpayers know more about
them? Sealing records in such an important court case does not add to
constructive discourse. It puts a damper on it. In reaching an agreement with
Antonia's family, Aramark issued a statement claiming it "settled the litigation
without any admission of wrongdoing." It merely paid Antonia's family – as if
that means nothing. Antonia's parents seem satisfied that the settlement will
cover their daughter's medical bills. That's good news. But why not disclose the
amount? Knowing the size of the judgment might be a warning to vendors to be
careful. And why allow Aramark to avoid admitting any responsibility? Or was
that question dropped from discussions? More important, was Giants Stadium
required to take additional steps to make sure tipsy fans are not served at
future events? Open those records. It's the only way to be sure.
September 7, 2006 Star-Ledger
Lawyers for a Bergen County girl paralyzed in a drunken-driving accident have
asked the state Supreme Court to review her case against the beer vendor at
Giants Stadium, claiming the issues could affect drunken-driving policies in New
Jersey. The attorneys argue that a state appeals court erred in August when it
overturned a landmark $135 million jury verdict against the stadium vendor,
Aramark Corp., and a fan whose drunken-driving accident left 2-year-old Antonia
Verni of Cliffside Park paralyzed. The appeals court ordered a new trial, ruling
that testimony about the "culture of intoxication" at the stadium should not
have been presented to the jury. Antonia's attorneys disagree. "If this decision
is allowed to stand, it will emasculate the ability of victims of drunk driving
to go after liquor establishments that serve visibly intoxicated patrons, by
eliminating certain evidence that can go before a jury, and that's not what the
law ... intended," said Antonia's attorney, David Mazie, who filed a 25-page
petition to the state Supreme Court on Tuesday.
August 3, 2006 AP
A New Jersey appeals court on Thursday overturned a landmark $105 million
verdict against a Giants Stadium concessionaire that sold beer to a drunken
football fan who later caused an auto accident, leaving a girl paralyzed. The
three-judge appeals panel ruled that the trial court erred by improperly
allowing testimony about the “drinking environment at the stadium” and ordered a
new trial should be held. “The admission of this evidence cannot be considered
harmless. A central theme of plaintiffs’ case was the culture of intoxication at
the stadium,” the court wrote in its 65-page ruling. Last year, a state judge in
Hackensack rejected an effort by Philadelphia-based Aramark Corp. to throw out
or reduce the verdict. Its vendors sold beer to Daniel Lanzaro, of Cresskill,
during a 1999 New York Giants game just hours before he caused a car crash that
left then-2-year-old Antonia Verni paralyzed from the neck down. In January
2005, a Bergen County jury said Lanzaro and Aramark should pay a total of $135
million in damages. At the time, legal experts said it was the largest alcohol
liability award in the United States in at least the last 25 years. Aramark’s
portion of that award included $30 million in compensatory damages and $75
million in punitive damages.
May 31, 2006 NewJersey.com
Lawyers for a food-service giant that was ordered to pay $105 million to the
family of a Cliffside Park girl paralyzed in a drunken-driving crash argued
Tuesday that the victim's father shares responsibility for her condition.
Antonia Verni was 2 years old when a truck driven by a drunken Cresskill man
slammed head-on into her family's sedan on Terrace Avenue in Hasbrouck Heights
on Oct. 29, 1999. A Bergen County jury in January 2005 ruled that employees of
Aramark Corp. irresponsibly sold beer to the drunken driver, Daniel Lanzaro,
contributing to the crash. The jurors awarded more than $135 million in
compensatory and punitive damages – an amount many lawyers believe is the
largest ever in such a lawsuit. Aramark is liable for $105 million and Lanzaro
the rest. Arguing before a state appellate panel in Trenton on Tuesday, Aramark
attorneys lambasted Superior Court Judge Richard Donohue for dismissing evidence
that they said should have been admitted during the civil case in Hackensack.
For one thing, they contended, Ronald Verni had strapped Antonia in an adult
seat belt instead of a child restraint. The impact jolted her head forward,
breaking her neck and causing the paralysis, they said. Antonia's mother, Fazila
Baksh Verni, was the only other person seriously injured in the crash. The
woman, who the lawyers said wasn't wearing a seat belt, was hospitalized for two
months and left partially blinded. "Everyone walked away from the accident,
except Antonia and her mother," said Aramark lawyer Michael Rodburg. However, he
said, the jurors in Hackensack were never allowed to review that evidence during
the trial. "This was a smear case against Aramark," he said. "And the judge
allowed it."
January 26, 2006 Star-Ledger
A lawyer for an 8-year-old paralyzed car crash victim has filed a motion to
expedite the appeal of a $135 million jury verdict, most of it against the beer
service company at Giants Stadium. Attorney David Mazie of Roseland said the
state appellate court should speed up the case because his client, Antonia Verni,
is ventilator-dependent and has been unable to get the 24-hour nursing care that
experts on both sides of the case recommend. Neither Antonia nor her mother,
Fazila, has been able to collect the money while the case is pending, Mazie
said. "It's very unusual to file an appeal to expedite," Mazie said. "It's only
done in the gravest of cases. We think her situation is one such case. This is
to prevent something catastrophic from happening." Last January, Antonia and her
mother were awarded $135 million in compensatory and punitive damages, most of
it against Aramark Corp., the concessionaire at Giants Stadium. A jury
determined there was a "culture of intoxication" at the stadium and found
Aramark guilty of serving a visibly drunk fan who later caused the car crash
that left the Cliffside Park girl injured. Aramark appealed, but a state
appellate court could take until September to hear arguments. Antonia's
court-appointed legal guardian for the case, Albert Burstein, said the
second-grader can't wait that long to collect her award. He said the family only
has limited access to about $500,000 collected in settlements from third
parties. "There's not enough money to match the daily costs of taking care of
Antonia," Burstein said. "If we were to do the job we would like to do on her
behalf, which means round-the-clock care by professionals, it adds up very
rapidly." Antonia has a nurse during school hours, paid for by the school
district. Her mother, who has no formal medical training, cares for Antonia at
home.
September 25, 2005 San Francisco Chronicle
Fans who drive after drinking excessively at 49ers or Raiders games, or any
other sporting event, would be well advised to consider the plight of an
8-year-old New Jersey girl. And a vendor who sells an intoxicated fan another
beer should think not only about the little girl but about the
multimillion-dollar judgment a jury ruled she and her family were entitled to
receive earlier this year from the New York Giants' concessionaire.
"Concessionaires throughout the country are well aware of that case,"
NFL spokesman Greg Aiello said. In January, a jury awarded $135 million to the
family of Antonia Verni, who was paralyzed from the neck down in a car wreck
caused by a drunken football fan. The fan is serving a five-year prison
sentence, and the concessionaire whose employees sold him beers when he was
already clearly intoxicated will pay the family $110 million unless the verdict,
currently on appeal, is reduced or reversed. The NFL, the 49ers and the Raiders
say the Verni case was a wakeup call for the league and the people who serve
fans millions of dollars worth of beer and other alcoholic beverages each
season. Like other pro sports leagues, the NFL is heavily intertwined with beer
companies. Their signage is as much a part of stadiums as the goalposts, and
their commercials form the backbone of the league's TV sponsorship. Attorney
David Mazie said from his office in Roseland, N.J., "Quite frankly, I
haven't heard anything that demonstrates the NFL and teams have changed their
policies on serving alcohol -- other than paying lip service. I haven't seen
anything at all." Mazie called the verdict against Aramark "a
milestone" in holding a concessionaire accountable. "There may have
been settlements before, but I'm not aware of any verdicts. Clearly, it's a
landmark, not only because of its size but because of the punitive
damages."Lanzaro "was trashed" when the accident occurred, Mazie
said. "I'm sure there were 5,000 others in the same condition (driving away
from the game)." "As long as you're not falling down, they'll serve
you," Mazie said of Aramark employees. "The person who trained them
said that. But by the time you're slurring your speech or stumbling, your
blood-alcohol is between .10 and .15. Anything above .08 is drunk driving, so
what they're saying is they'll still serve people when they're at twice the
legal limit." "There are a series of signs -- slurring of speech,
talking a lot, not being able to hold themselves up straight," spokesman
David Freireich said from the firm's headquarters in Philadelphia. Aramark is a
founding member of the Techniques for Effective Alcohol Management (TEAM)
Coalition, a nonprofit group that advises pro sports leagues and sponsors
designated-driver programs at McAfee Coliseum and other parks, Freireich pointed
out.
March 4, 2005 USA Today
A state judge on Friday upheld a $105 million verdict
against a Giants Stadium concessionaire for selling beer to a drunken football
fan who later caused an auto accident, leaving a girl paralyzed. State Superior
Court Judge Richard J. Donohue in Hackensack rejected an effort by
Philadelphia-based Aramark Corp. to throw out or reduce the verdict. Its vendors
sold beer to Daniel Lanzaro of Cresskill during a 1999 New York Giants game
hours before he caused a car crash that left then 2-year-old Antonia Verni
paralyzed from the neck down. "It sends a message to Aramark and other beer
concessions around the state that they have to change their ways," said
David Mazie, a Roseland lawyer representing Verni's family. Aramark's portion of
that award included $30 million in compensatory damages and $75 million in
punitive damages. Interest accruing daily has brought the company's total to
nearly $110 million, according to Mazie. The family claimed Aramark vendors sold
beers to Lanzaro at the stadium in East Rutherford even though he was clearly
drunk. The company, they said, fostered an atmosphere in which intoxicated
patrons were able to buy more.
January 21, 2005 Reuters
The family of a girl paralyzed in a car crash caused by a
drunken football fan won $105 million in damages from the concessionaire that
sold him beer, and the girl's father said on Thursday the case should have
far-reaching effects. The
Superior Court jury in Hackensack, New Jersey, assessed punitive damages on
Wednesday against Giants Stadium concessionaire Aramark Corp., for its role in
the October 1999 accident that left Antonia Verni, then 2 years old, paralyzed
from the neck down.
January 18, 2005 AP
A jury awarded $60 million Tuesday to the family of a girl
paralyzed in a car wreck caused by a drunken football fan. Ronald
and Fazila Verni were headed home from a pumpkin-picking trip in 1999 with their
2-year-old daughter, Antonia, when their car was hit by a truck driven by Daniel
Lanzaro, 34. Antonia was paralyzed from the neck down. The family sued Aramark,
the Giants Stadium concessionaire, claiming vendors sold beers to Lanzaro even
though he was clearly drunk and that Aramark fostered an atmosphere in which
intoxicated patrons were served. The stadium also mandates that fans can only
buy two beers at a time -- a rule Lanzaro sidestepped by tipping the vendor $10,
allowing him to buy six beers.
January 14, 2005 WNBC News
Jury deliberations have begun in a civil lawsuit filed by the family of a
7-year-old girl who was paralyzed when a drunken football fan on his way home
from a New York Giants game crashed into the family's car. The
family claims Aramark, the Giants Stadium concessionaire that sold beers to the
fan, was partly responsible for the crash in Hasbrouck Heights. The family
claims Aramark vendors sold beers to Daniel Lanzaro at the stadium even though
the Cresskill man was clearly drunk and that Aramark "fostered" an
atmosphere where intoxicated patrons were served, which is against the law.
January 12, 2005 NewJersey.com
An admitted alcoholic who slammed his truck into a
Cliffside Park family's car, paralyzing their 2-year-old daughter, wasn't
visibly drunk when he bought beer at Giants Stadium earlier that day, an alcohol
expert told jurors Tuesday. Robert
J. Pandina, a psychology professor and director of the Center of Alcohol Studies
at Rutgers University, said Daniel Lanzaro of Cresskill couldn't have had more
than five or six beers inside the stadium. The parents of the injured
girl are suing Aramark, the food-service company that holds the liquor license
at the stadium, saying it sold alcohol irresponsibly to Lanzaro. Lanzaro, a
35-year-old carpenter and father of two, left a Giants game on Oct. 24, 1999,
and crashed his truck head-on into the car of Ronald and Fazila Baksh Verni in
Hasbrouck Heights. The crash seriously injured Baksh Verni and left the Vernis'
daughter, Antonia, a paraplegic. The family is suing Aramark under a state law
that holds vendors liable for damages caused by patrons who were served alcohol
while visibly intoxicated.
December 9, 2004 Star-Ledger
Sitting in her wheelchair with a stuffed doll propping her
head, unable to move her arms or legs, 7-year-old Antonia Verni told a jury
yesterday what she wants to be when she grows up. "I want to be a singer, a
rock star, a kindergarten teacher and a ballerina," Verni said, her melodic
voice filling the tiny courtroom. Two jurors cried. Others shifted in their
seats. Doctors say the Cliffside Park girl will never be able to walk as a
result of a car accident when she was 2 years old, when a drunken football fan
rammed his truck into her family's car as they were driving home from pumpkin
picking. Verni testified on the second day of a civil trial in Superior Court in
Bergen County in a case against Aramark, the Giants Stadium concessionaire that
sold beers to the fan who crashed into the Vernis, Daniel Lanzaro.
December 9, 2004 NorthJersey.com
A drunken driver who rammed his truck into a young
family's car in Hasbrouck Heights - paralyzing a 2-year-old girl for life and
landing himself in prison for five years - openly admits that he was
"beyond drunk" in the 1999 accident. But the buck doesn't stop there,
lawyers for the Cliffside Park family contend. Aramark's beer servers, who sold
more than a dozen beers to the driver at Giants Stadium during a game, are
equally responsible, say the lawyers, who have taken the battle to the
multinational food-service conglomerate. As a civil trial opened Wednesday in
Superior Court in Hackensack, the first witness for the Verni family was Daniel
Lanzaro, the drunken driver, who is still in prison. Lanzaro is a defendant, but
is penniless and is testifying willingly. He testified that Aramark concession
stands - contrary to state law and the company's internal rules - sold alcohol
at the stadium to visibly intoxicated patrons. Aramark's lawyer, Brian Harris,
told the jury during his opening statement that Lanzaro was a seasoned drinker
who didn't display signs of intoxication when he was drunk. Even though
Aramark's beer sellers are trained in identifying intoxicated people, Lanzaro
fooled them, he said.
Gloucester
County Jail
Woodbury, New Jersey
Prison Health Services
August 29, 2006 Gloucester County Times
A former Gloucester County Jail inmate and his significant other are suing the
county, alleging that he contracted an often drug-resistant staph infection
while locked up and then brought it home. Michael DiFelice of Deptford Township
was an inmate at the jail for seven months, starting on April 11, 2005. Not long
after his release on Nov. 1, DiFelice's "domestic partner" began exhibiting
signs of the same infection, according to the lawsuit filed in Superior Court.
DiFelice and Kelly Filipponi have both been diagnosed with the boil-like skin
infection, according to the lawsuit. The lawsuit alleges that the county failed
to properly inform its staff and inmates of other cases of methicillin-resistant
Staphylococcus aureus. Also named in the lawsuit were the county department of
corrections, the sheriff's department and Prison Health Services Inc. More than
a dozen other lawsuits have been filed against the county from both former
inmates and corrections officers at the jail.
July 13, 2006 Gloucester County Times
A fifth lawsuit filed against the county claims that a former inmate of the
Gloucester County Jail became infected with staph while incarcerated there.
Brantley Owens of Glassboro allegedly began "exhibiting signs and symptoms of an
infection" caused by staphylococcus aureus bacteria shortly after his
incarceration in August 2004, according to the complaint filed in Superior
Court. Owens claims that jail officials knew of other cases of the often
contagious and drug-resistant skin infection and failed to notify inmates and
put policies in place to minimize or prevent exposure, according to the suit.
Owens' suit is the fifth lodged against the county concerning staph infection --
one officer and two former inmates previously filed individual suits, and last
month five people, corrections officers and their spouses, filed a joint suit.
The most recent claim names the county, county freeholders, the county
department of corrections, the county Sheriff's Department, Prison Health
Services, Inc., former jail warden John Tevoli and former corrections director
W. Stanley Nunn. County spokeswoman Debra Sellitto declined comment because the
matter is in litigation. Owens' Attorney Scott McKinley, of the firm Hoffman and
DiMuzio, has filed three other lawsuits on behalf of two former inmates as well
as a corrections officer who claim they contracted staph while at the jail.
March 23, 2006 The Daily Journal
Gloucester County faces a third lawsuit over an outbreak of drug-resistant
staph infections at the county jail in 2003 and 2004. The latest lawsuit --
filed by Jeffrey Maxie of Johnson City, Tenn., and his domestic companion,
Marlene Byrnes of Westville -- accuses the county of failing to address the
staph outbreak properly. The contagious skin infection can be fatal if
untreated. Byrnes contracted staph from close contact with Maxie after he left
the jail in April 2004, but before he was aware he had contracted it, said the
couple's attorney, Scott C. McKinley. In a lawsuit filed last week in Gloucester
County Superior Court, Maxie contends he contracted staph while in the jail on
an unspecified charge in April 2004. The county "failed to inform the plaintiffs
of the risk of exposure, failed to prevent said exposure, (and) failed to put
procedures or policies (in) place to eliminate or minimize the risk of
exposure," according to the lawsuit. County Counsel Samuel J. Leone could not be
immediately reached for comment. The lawsuit also names as defendants the county
freeholder board; the county's Department of Correctional Services; the
Sheriff's Department; Prison Health Services Inc., which provides medical care
at the jail; former warden John Tevoli; and W. Stanley Nunn, the former
corrections director.
November 1, 2005 Courier-Post
A former inmate at Gloucester County Jail alleges in a lawsuit that negligent
oversight of the jail caused him to contract a staph infection while he was
incarcerated in 2003. The lawsuit, filed by Joseph Favacchia of Swedesboro, is
the second to accuse the county of failing to properly address an outbreak of
drug-resistant staph infections at the jail in 2003. The contagious skin
infection can be fatal if untreated. Favacchia contends he contracted staph
while in the jail on a violation of probation charge in November 2003. A year
later, Favacchia learned that county officials had been aware of other cases of
staph infections at the jail but "withheld and fraudulently concealed"
that information, Favacchia contends in his complaint. The county "failed
to inform the plaintiff of the risk of exposure, failed to prevent said
exposure, (and) failed to put procedures or policies (in) place to eliminate or
minimize the risk of exposure," according to the lawsuit. The lawsuit also
names as defendants the county freeholder board, the county's Department of
Correctional Services, the county Sheriff's Department, Prison Health Services
Inc., which provides medical care at the jail, former warden John Tevoli and W.
Stanley Nunn, the former corrections director. In September 2004, county
freeholders suspended Tevoli for two weeks without pay after determining he
misled a Citizens Advisory Board about the extent of the staph outbreak. Tevoli
resigned in January after two years as warden.
Hudson County Correctional
Center
Hudson County, New Jersey
Aramark
September 8, 2010 The Jersey Journal
The Hudson County Board of Freeholders spent more than an hour tonight
debating the merits of a food service company that is set to get a nearly $12
million contract at the Hudson County Correctional Center. Freeholder Bill
O’Dea, of Jersey City, took issue with awarding the contract to Aramark
Correctional Services LLC, saying the company had issues with a prior contract
at Meadowview Psychiatric Hospital, resulting in a $75,000 settlement with the
county last year and an agreement that the company would not bid on future
contracts. County Administrator Abe Antum said the company was not prohibited
from bidding on the jail food service contract, because it was a completely
separate issue from Meadowview. "The performance at the correctional center was
satisfactory and they were views as separate services and separate contracts,”
Antum said at tonight’s freeholder meeting. Freeholder Albert Cifelli, an
attorney from Kearny, noted that at $11.77 million over three years, Aramark was
the lowest bidder. By law the county must award the contract to the “lowest,
responsible” bidder and Cifelli questioned whether the freeholders had the
authority to determine that Aramark was not “responsible” per the contract
standards. Both the board’s attorney, Edward Florio, and the county
administration’s attorney, Donato Battista, said it was up to the administration
to determine whether or not the company was the lowest, responsible bidder and
recommend the contract to the board. O’Dea said he was concerned that the
company had provided psychiatric patients with prison-grade meals, instead of
hospital-grade meals, as required by the Meadowview contract. But Carol Ann
Wilson, county director of Health and Human Services, said the issue had to do
with staff not having the state-required qualifications to run the hospital’s
kitchen. She said despite telling Aramark about the failure to meet state
standards, which would put the hospital in risk of losing its certification and
state reimbursements, the company did not comply with the terms of the contract.
Wilson said a dietitian was not always available, as required. Freeholder Jose
Munoz, of West New York, said he thought Aramark was using one dietician at both
the jail and Meadowview, which may have contributed to the problems. Antum said
a report was compiled by Meadowview and O’Dea asked for both a copy of the
report and for the settlement agreement. An Aramark representative at tonight’s
meeting said the issue was the result of a bad decision made by one manager and
it should not reflect on the company as a whole. Nationwide, Aramark has over
500 correctional facility food contracts. O’Dea and Freeholder Jeff Dublin, of
Jersey City, tried to table the contract until they received additional
information, but didn’t get any of the other seven freeholders to support their
motion.
Mammoth County Jail
Mammoth County, New Jersey
Gourmet Dining (formerly run by
Aramark)
July 18, 2010 The Star-Ledger
Aramark is the giant of America’s food-service industry, topping Fortune’s list
of the "World’s Most Admired Companies." So when Aramark, whose menu runs the
gamut from lobster rolls at Boston’s Fenway Park to meals for most of New
Jersey’s county inmates, came up short on a $12 million contract, it flexed its
legal muscle. In a tug-of-war featuring a debate over pennies per meal and
highlighting a criminal case against a competitor’s food-service executive, the
Philadelphia giant fought a court ruling giving New Jersey competitor Gourmet
Dining the very Essex County jail contract Aramark snatched from Gourmet in
2004. Then it relented. The 4-inch thick stack of legal briefs and exhibits is
now closed. But the legal battle — brief as it was — offers insights into the
clash of a food-service titan and its smaller competitor in the sometimes murky
world of competitive bidding. On one hand, Aramark Correctional Services bid
$1.32 a meal for each inmate, technically making it the lowest bidder. On the
other, Gourmet Dining bid $1.42, technically losing. But Essex County rejected
Aramark, saying its per-meal pricing wasn’t really "firm," as required by the
bid specifications, and threw open the bidding anew — an action Gourmet says was
a "thinly veiled attempt" to give Aramark time to fix its defective bid. On
April 1, Madison-based Gourmet sued, making references to Aramark’s "monopoly"
and asserting that its bid would actually save Essex $1.16 million over 3 years.
Aramark countered, saying Gourmet was not a "responsible bidder" since the man
it would put in charge of meals at the Essex County Correctional Facility had
been fired by Aramark for embezzling funds. "It’s a good old-fashioned game of
chicken," Professor Larry Bennett of the Whitman School of Management at
Syracuse University said of the legal punches and counter-punches. It’s the
second time the food-service competitors have squared off in a New Jersey
courtroom. Just 16 months ago, Gourmet Dining won a ruling in Monmouth County,
snatching a contract initially awarded to Aramark for that county’s inmates.
"We’re pretty happy with it," Savino Russoniello Jr., the West Orange attorney
representing Gourmet Dining, said of the latest outcome. "The county is going to
be saving money with the new contract. The taxpayers are the winners here."
That’s not the way Aramark sees it. "Our proposal would have provided the county
with $800,000 in savings over the term of the contract compared with the
selected bid," said Sarah Jarvis, an Aramark spokeswoman. But Aramark, which
held Essex County’s contract from 2004 til now, wasn’t burning any bridges. "We
delivered outstanding service to Essex County over the past seven years and hope
we have the opportunity to do so again," she said. To James Paganelli, Essex
County’s chief county counsel, the truth lies somewhere in the great divide.
"They’re both going to give you a competing analysis," he said. Gourmet Dining’s
legal complaint was just that, and a painstaking one. Gourmet, whose $40 million
a year in revenues includes serving means to undergrads at Seton Hall University
and executives at Hertz, asserted that Aramark was able to push up the price it
charges for an inmate meal in Essex by 49 percent from March 2004 to May 2009.
That was, in part, the basis for its argument that Aramark’s latest bid was not
based on a "firm price" as required by the bid specifications, according to the
lawsuit. On Feb. 18, Gourmet Dining protested in a letter to Essex County. Less
than a month later, Essex rejected Aramark’s bid on the basis that it did not
submit a "firm quote" and sent a memorandum of agreement to Gourmet Dining. But
on March 26, the county instead rejected all bids and opted to rebid, altering
the terms, noting "confusing and misleading" bid wording that created
"uncertainty," and adding a provision disqualifying any bidder on the basis of a
key executive’s criminal record. On June 23, in a 5-page opinion, Superior Court
Judge Claude Coleman, sitting in Newark, rejected Essex’s decision to reopen the
bids and ordered the county to award the contract to Gourmet. "Rejecting all
bids was improper, without sound reasons, and was an abuse of discretion,"
Coleman ruled. "Aramark’s bid was not in compliance with the bid
specifications." As for the former Aramark employee about to handle Gourmet
Dining’s Essex contract, he pled guilty of theft by deception, was sentenced to
probation and ordered to attend Gamblers Anonymous, according to court papers.
Paganelli, the county counsel, said he listened to the judge’s advice on that
issue. "Judge Coleman said, ‘You have the right to pick whoever that leader is
going to be. Just tell them that person is not acceptable to you, and they’ll
get you another person." Did Essex follow through? Paganelli was succinct.
"Yep," he said.
April 10, 2009 Asbury Park Press
A new vendor will begin serving up meals to Monmouth County inmates and
youth detainees May 1, thanks to last month's ruling by a Superior Court judge
that county officials erred in awarding a three-year contract to a higher
bidder. Gourmet Dining LLC of Madison will take over the work — but only after
the county makes one final payment to rival vendor Aramark Correctional Services
LLC for providing the food service while the contract was in dispute. The county
freeholders on Tuesday unanimously passed a resolution paying Aramark $729,000
for service from the start of the year until April 30. The amount covers 488,000
Monmouth County Jail staff and inmate meals at $1.35 per serving and 733
religious meals at $3.82 each; plus 21,500 detainee and staff meals at $2.92
each at the Youth Detention Center. Both facilities are in Freehold Township.
"The resolution is necessary as part of the court decision to change vendors,
because Aramark continued vending services past the date of the former
contract," Purchasing Director Gerri C. Popkin said.
March 6, 2009 Asbury Park Press
A Superior Court judge has set aside a prison food contract award to Aramark
and ordered the Monmouth County Board of Freeholders to pass a resolution giving
the work to a lower bidder, Gourmet Dining LLC of Madison. Judge James P. Hurley
said the freeholders -- acting on a recommendation from the Sheriff's Department
-- were wrong to toss out Gourmet Dining's bid on the basis of lacking
substantial experience from past work in prisons. Gourmet Dining's attorney,
Thomas P. Scrivo, argued during a Feb. 18 hearing that the company had served
over 40 million meals when it held Essex County jail contracts from 1991 to
2004. "Gourmet's 13 years of experience providing on-site meals speaks to
Gourmet's compliance with the specifications,'' the judge said in his written
decision issued today. County taxpayers will be on the hook for legal fees from
the case but will save money on the change in contract. The county will pay
$155,360 less annually than it would have paid Aramark, and could save $466,000
over the life of the three-year contract. The contract also allows for two
one-year renewals. Aramark held the previous contract that expired in December
and has continued as the vendor during the period of dispute. Gourmet Dining's
one-year bid price is $2,836,514 compared to Aramark's $2,992,000. Sheriff's
Department spokeswoman Cynthia Scott said no date has been selected for the
change in vendors to occur. "The freeholders still have to act by resolution but
as a practical matter we plan to move forward with a smooth transition,'' Scott
said. "The Monmouth County Sheriff's Office always welcomes competition and
plans to work closely with Gourmet Dining to ensure that the comparable level of
quality and quantity of food services will be maintained at the jail.'' The case
was heard in Superior Court in Middlesex County after being transferred from
Monmouth County.
February 10, 2009 Asbury Park Press
Arguments will be heard by a Superior Court judge today over whether
Monmouth County should be ordered to reopen its $3 million contract award for
prison food so that a lower bidder can be considered for the work. Acting on the
recommendations of the Sheriff's Office and county purchasing officials, the
county freeholders voted unanimously in December to award the contract to feed
inmates at the Monmouth County jail and youth detention center to Aramark, a
Philadelphia-based company that has held the contract since 1991. Gourmet Dining
of Madison submitted a bid of $2.5 million, about 18 percent lower than
Aramark's bid, but the low bid was rejected because county officials said the
company lacked jail experience. However, Gourmet Dining attorneys are expected
to argue today the company served some 42 million meals to inmates in the Essex
County jail system from 1991 to 2004. The case will be heard by Middlesex County
Superior Court Judge James P. Hurley. The challange was filed by Gourmet Dining
in Monmouth County, then transferred to Middlesex.
Meadowview Psychiatric Hospital
Meadowview, New Jersey
Aramark
September 8, 2010 The Jersey Journal
The Hudson County Board of Freeholders spent more than an hour tonight
debating the merits of a food service company that is set to get a nearly $12
million contract at the Hudson County Correctional Center. Freeholder Bill
O’Dea, of Jersey City, took issue with awarding the contract to Aramark
Correctional Services LLC, saying the company had issues with a prior contract
at Meadowview Psychiatric Hospital, resulting in a $75,000 settlement with the
county last year and an agreement that the company would not bid on future
contracts. County Administrator Abe Antum said the company was not prohibited
from bidding on the jail food service contract, because it was a completely
separate issue from Meadowview. "The performance at the correctional center was
satisfactory and they were views as separate services and separate contracts,”
Antum said at tonight’s freeholder meeting. Freeholder Albert Cifelli, an
attorney from Kearny, noted that at $11.77 million over three years, Aramark was
the lowest bidder. By law the county must award the contract to the “lowest,
responsible” bidder and Cifelli questioned whether the freeholders had the
authority to determine that Aramark was not “responsible” per the contract
standards. Both the board’s attorney, Edward Florio, and the county
administration’s attorney, Donato Battista, said it was up to the administration
to determine whether or not the company was the lowest, responsible bidder and
recommend the contract to the board. O’Dea said he was concerned that the
company had provided psychiatric patients with prison-grade meals, instead of
hospital-grade meals, as required by the Meadowview contract. But Carol Ann
Wilson, county director of Health and Human Services, said the issue had to do
with staff not having the state-required qualifications to run the hospital’s
kitchen. She said despite telling Aramark about the failure to meet state
standards, which would put the hospital in risk of losing its certification and
state reimbursements, the company did not comply with the terms of the contract.
Wilson said a dietitian was not always available, as required. Freeholder Jose
Munoz, of West New York, said he thought Aramark was using one dietician at both
the jail and Meadowview, which may have contributed to the problems. Antum said
a report was compiled by Meadowview and O’Dea asked for both a copy of the
report and for the settlement agreement. An Aramark representative at tonight’s
meeting said the issue was the result of a bad decision made by one manager and
it should not reflect on the company as a whole. Nationwide, Aramark has over
500 correctional facility food contracts. O’Dea and Freeholder Jeff Dublin, of
Jersey City, tried to table the contract until they received additional
information, but didn’t get any of the other seven freeholders to support their
motion.
Morris
County Jail
Morris County, New Jersey
Aramark
June 23, 2005
In the usual scenario, people caught using heroin go to jail, but last week
authorities discovered the obverse is also true: People who go to jail get
caught using heroin.
Two women, Mount Olive Township resident and former state prisoner Karen
Ryerson, 42, and Newark resident Leslie Harwell, 36, a worker in the Morris
County Jail cafeteria, were charged with heroin distribution.
Harwell is employed by Aramark, a Pennsylvania-based food service
company. She was arrested Sunday after allegedly selling drugs inside the jail,
according to the Morris County Prosecutor’s Office.
She was charged with possession of heroin and possession with intent to
distribute. She is being held in a cell in the jail where she worked on $50,000
bail. Ryerson
was arrested Monday after authorities determined she had been the supplier of
the heroin to Harwell. She was charged with possession of heroin and heroin
distribution. She is being held in the Morris County jail on $100,000 bail.
According to the Prosecutor’s Office, a corrections internal affairs
officer had learned last Thursday that Harwell was allegedly selling the drugs.
Harwell was allegedly able to bring in the drugs because employees are not
searched upon entry, Rubbinaccio said. Harwell
has been employed at the jail since mid-May. Aramark employees prepare food in
the jail’s kitchen and help train inmates in food preparation. She has no
criminal record, Rubbinaccio said.
New
Jersey Department of Corrections
Cummunity Education Centers,
Correctional Medical Services, Life Skills Academy
June 16, 2011 NJ 101.5
State Comptroller Matt Boxer is questioning the State Department of Corrections
(DOC) about the state's largest halfway house provider, Education and Health
Centers of America, Inc. (EHCA), because of its subcontracting arrangement with
a for-profit company, Community Education Centers, Inc. (CEC). Under state law,
only non-profits can provide halfway house services. Boxer says EHCA pays CEC
the entire contracted per diem rates. Of $400 million the state has paid EHCA
since 1997, EHCA has paid CEC approximately $390 million to provide "all the
services" under EHCA's public contracts, including the "operation, support
services management and maintenance" of the facilities. "One of the issues that
we found is that there are questions about the eligibility of one of those
halfway houses to be a part of this program," explains Boxer. "We sent a letter
to the Department of Corrections suggesting that on this issue they seek formal
legal advice from the (State) Attorney General's Office and they've agreed to do
that." Bill Palatucci is one of Governor Chris Christie's closest allies. He's a
senior vice president and general counsel for public affairs at CEC and the
director of development at EHCA. He says CEC has had no new contracts since
1998. "We're still operating under the same agreement that was approved by
Attorney General back then, so we're a bit puzzled by the report," says
Palatucci. "We'll take a look and talk to the Department of Corrections about
it."
June 15, 2011 NJ 101.5
New Jersey's Corrections Department does not adequately monitor state-funded
halfway houses, according to a new audit by the state comptroller. The audit
released Wednesday found the state failed to take appropriate action against
state-funded halfway house providers following inmate escapes. The state also
overpaid other providers and paid some providers that were not fully accredited.
"It is critical that the state takes a more active role in ensuring the success
of these programs," State Comptroller Matthew Boxer said. "It cannot simply cut
these halfway houses a check and hope for the best." The state is spending
nearly $65 million this year on the program which handles an average of 2,720
residents daily. The homes are intended to prepare them for re-entry into
society. Among other findings, the report said the state overpaid 10 private
halfway house providers by $587,000 over a six-year period because of
miscalculated per diem rates charged by the providers which varied wildly --
from $0 per inmate bed to $7,354 per inmate bed -- among the non-profit
providers. The comptroller also found that the state failed to adequately
supervise the facilities and fine those facilities that let residents with
disciplinary problems leave before they could be re-incarcerated. The audit
noted that six halfway house residents waiting to be transported back to prison
by correctional officers were able to escape because they were not placed in a
secured holding area within the halfway house as required by contract. In three
of those instances, a secured area did not even exist on the halfway house
premises. Under contracts with the facilities, the state could have fined each
provider $30,000 per escape but did not. Additionally, the report found that the
state failed to meet its own guidelines monitoring the halfway houses. In 2009
DOC documented spending 104 days checking the houses when more than 600 days
were required; two facilities received no documented visits, the report said.
The comptroller also questioned about the state's largest provider because of
its subcontracting arrangement with a for-profit company.
August 12, 2008 The Star-Ledger
Correctional Medical Services said it plans to lay off 949 workers in New
Jersey next month, after losing its $85 million contract for prison health care
services in the state to the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey.
CMS, a private St. Louis firm, notified the state it would begin the layoffs on
Sept. 30, a day before UMDNJ begins providing service to New Jersey Department
of Corrections inmates. A majority of the workers facing layoffs are expected to
be offered jobs with the university, UMDNJ spokesman Gerald Carey said. "Current
employees of Correctional Medical Services have been encouraged to apply for
positions with UMDNJ and we are in the process of reviewing those applications,"
Carey wrote in an email. CMS lost its contract earlier this year, and protested
that the switch to UMDNJ was made through an interagency award, not a
competitive bidding process. "The Treasury Department's decision to award a
no-bid $100 million plus annual contract to a state entity will increase the
state payrolls by several hundred workers, costing New Jersey taxpayers millions
of dollars," CMS spokesman Ken Fields said in a statement.
April 27, 2008 Asbury Park Press
The administration of Gov. Corzine is awarding a no-bid pact to the
University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey to provide medical care for
New Jersey's prison inmates. The move, which the administration views as a
money-saver, is being scrutinized by some who fear the shift might actually cost
the cash-strapped state, and by extension its taxpayers, more than its deal with
a private contractor. These critics worry UMDNJ is ill-equipped to handle the
job. Federal investigators found that the state-financed health-care university
fumbled away more than $400 million through fraudulent and wasteful spending,
though it has recently instituted reforms. Also, UMDNJ has a foggy track record
in care-giving to prisoners. UMDNJ in 2005 got the state's OK to provide
mental-health care for the inmates, and costs thereafter shot up — 50 percent
over what what the private company that was doing the work charged, said John
Paul Doyle, a former Democratic assemblyman who now represents the company.
State Treasurer David Rousseau, disputing that amount, has said he foresees
nothing to indicate costs would now go up. "It is expected the UMDNJ arrangement
will reduce the state's overall costs," Rousseau told the Senate Budget
Committee." Since the mid-1990s, the physical and dental care for the 27,600
state inmates — plus another 14,000 held in county facilities — has been
provided by Correctional Medical Services, of St. Louis, whose latest New Jersey
contract is worth $85 million. Last October, the state's inspector general
issued a harsh report about CMS, saying it overcharged and had been out of
compliance with its New Jersey contract. "It should be competitively bid," said
Sen. Leonard Lance, R-Hunterdon, the budget czar of the Republican caucus. "The
lowest bidder should be awarded the contract. That could be in the private
sector or the public sector."
April 15, 2008 Star-Ledger
Correctional Medical Services is fighting the state's decision to cancel its $85
million annual contract to provide medical, dental and pharmaceutical services
to state prisoners. The company filed a protest letter Friday, alleging that the
state's decision to replace it with the University of Medicine and Dentistry of
New Jersey violates state bidding laws and could cost the state $50 million more
a year if history is a guide. John Paul Doyle, a former Democratic assemblyman
who now represents the company, wrote that the state's cost for providing mental
health services for inmates jumped nearly 50 percent in 2005 when it switched
from the St. Louis-based company CMS to UMDNJ. "Based on past history and the
current budgetary crisis in New Jersey, this unadvertised award, remarkably made
in the midst of the existing four-year contract with CMS, makes no sense for the
state of New Jersey," Doyle wrote in his letter to the state Treasury
Department. He also said the company would forgo a 4.73 percent increase to
cover costs associated with caring for the 27,600 inmates in state prisons and
an additional 1,400 in mates being held daily in county facilities until a state
cell is available. During a Senate Budget Committee hearing yesterday, state
Treasurer David Rousseau disputed that it would cost $50 million more to use
UMDNJ to provide medical, dental and pharmaceutical services to state prisoners.
"We see no basis for this contention," Rousseau said. "In fact, based on the
assessment of costs and charges, it is expected the UMDNJ arrangement will
reduce the state's overall costs." He said the state hopes to save $3.4 million
in built-in profits for CMS and another $5.5 million by enrolling in a
pharmaceutical plan --for which CMS cannot qualify -- that caps how much UMDNJ
will pay for medication. The treasurer did acknowledge that the state's payroll
costs would be greater because it will have to hire more staff, including some
of the 800 medical workers who now work for CMS, and pay them fringe benefits.
Rousseau also took issue with CMS' numbers on the mental health services
contract, saying the state's cost jumped from $33 million to $43.4 million when
it switched, not $49 million as the company claimed. He added that the price
jumped because the state hired more workers to satisfy a federal settlement that
governs how the Department of Corrections cares for mentally ill prisoners. CMS
spokesman Ken Fields said the figures came from public budget documents, but "in
any event, it's a significant increase over one year compared with CMS."
April 1, 2008 Star-Ledger
The state has canceled its $85 million annual contract with a St. Louis-based
company that has provided medical, dental and pharmaceutical services to state
prisoners since New Jersey privatized its inmate health care system in 1996,
officials said yesterday. The state Treasury Department notified Correctional
Medical Services on Friday that it planned to replace it with the University of
Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey, the state's medical school, according to a
copy of a letter obtained by The Star-Ledger. UMDNJ already provides mental
health services for state inmates. CMS, whose contract expired last night, had
sought a 4.73 percent increase to cover costs associated with caring for the
27,600 inmates in state prisons and an additional 14,000 inmates being held in
county facilities until a state cell is available. "The state has decided that
it is in its best interest to contract with the University of Medicine and
Dentistry to provide all of the inmate health care services," wrote Alice Small,
acting director of Treasury's Division of Purchase and Property. The move ends a
contentious 11-year relationship with CMS that was launched during then-Gov.
Christie Whitman's push to privatize government services. It comes months after
the state auditor and the state inspector general issued separate reports
critical of the company. It also gives the state-funded university a shot in the
arm as it tries to emerge from federal oversight that documented more than $400
million in fraudulent and wasteful spending. The state told CMS it would need to
continue staffing inmate health services for 180 days so UMDNJ personnel can get
up to speed. Treasury spokesman Tom Vinz said the state believes the new
arrangement, which will be enacted through an interagency compact rather than
through public bidding, will "improve both the bottom line as well as services."
He said officials don't know exactly how much the state would save. "We believe
that overall costs will be extremely competitive with the current contract and
that the expanded partnership will result in new economies, efficiencies and
conveniences that benefit the state," Vinz said. The cancellation came as a
shock to CMS, which employs more than 800 health care professionals in New
Jersey to handle the state inmate contract, said spokesman Ken Fields. He said
the rate increase was pegged to the Consumer Price Index but "was well below the
rate of inflation facing all other areas of health care in New Jersey." "The
state has been extremely satisfied with our work and has never given us an
indication that they would prefer to make a change in contractors," said Fields.
"We are disappointed that the state appears to have started a process that would
not include getting any competitive bids. It has been our experience that state
and local governments feel that a competitive bidding process results in the
best value for them." UMDNJ spokeswoman Anna Farneski said the new agreement is
"an enormous vote of confidence in UMDNJ's abilities to effectively deliver care
to a population in need of comprehensive services." The state paid the medical
school $49 million last year to provide mental health services for inmates.
Attorney Patricia Perlmutter, who reached a class-action lawsuit in 1999 against
the Department of Correction on behalf of mentally ill inmates, said canceling
the CMS contract is the end of "a failed experiment." "For years, they delivered
very poor service to the prisoners in the state," she said. "There certainly was
improvement over time. The number of complaints we would receive did diminish
the last year of contract term. But overall they didn't deliver what they
promised."
October 16, 2007 AP
For the second time in two years, an audit has found that the Corrections
Department failed to adequately monitor its multimillion dollar contract for
inmate dental services. Monday's report by Inspector General Mary Jane Cooper
mirrors a 2005 audit by Treasury's contract compliance unit. Both concluded that
Corrections could not guarantee that inmates were getting services that were
paid for or that the state wasn't overpaying the provider, Correctional Medical
Services. The inspector general also found that Corrections did not fine the
provider for missing deadlines spelled out in the contract, even though it could
have collected $1 million or more for screenings that were not conducted within
a specified time of a new inmate's arrival. The quality of medical and dental
care was not considered. Both reports blamed Corrections' automated systems for
being incapable of collecting and retaining the data necessary to monitor
compliance with the contract. Correctional Medical Services was awarded a
two-year, $168 million contract in April 2005 to provide health services to
about 40,000 inmates a year, including a dental portion worth $7.5 million. The
contract was renewed for one year in April, Corrections spokesman Matt Schuman
said. The report says the contract dictates that certain services be performed
within specific time frames — and gives Corrections the authority to assess
damages for missed deadlines — because of concerns over provider performance
that developed during a prior health services contract. An initial Treasury
audit in 2005 showed that Corrections did not have an automated information
system capable of providing data to monitor the contract. When a system was
finally put in place, it relied on the vendor to enter data, the inspector
general's report shows, and had flaws. Schuman said Monday that Corrections had
not yet seen the report and would have no comment. Ken Fields, a spokesman for
Correctional Medical Services in St. Louis, Mo., also said he was unfamiliar
with the report and could not comment.
February 28, 2007 The Star-Ledger
Criticizing the state for trying to shirk its responsibility to provide
inmates adequate health care, the New Jersey Supreme Court today ordered the
prison system to develop regulations on how to notify inmates when they have a
serious medical condition. In its unanimous ruling the high court also ordered
the Department of Corrections to give inmates access to their complete medical
records and to correct those records if they are inaccurate, since both are
essential to adequate medical care. "This is a major victory for the medical
rights of prisoners," said Princeton attorney Bruce Afran, who argued the case
on behalf of a New Jersey State Prison inmate. "Every other patient in the state
has a right to their own medical records and the state was refusing that right
to prisoners. The court has now reversed that." The case stems from "one
inmate's odyssey to correct an erroneous entry in his medical records," Justice
Virginia Long wrote in the court's opinion. The inmate, identified only as J.D.A.
because he fears retribution in prison, suffers from hepatitis C, a potentially
fatal liver disease. He tested positive for the disease in 2001, but a
prison-contracted doctor misread the test results and noted in his file the
virus was "not detected." When he learned of the mistake two years later, J.D.A.
filed paperwork to have it changed. Correctional Medical Services, the private
company responsible for treating New Jersey's 27,000 state inmates, refused to
change his medical chart because it was "a legal document" that cannot be
altered, court records show. Corrections, meanwhile, claimed only CMS had the
"ability to make changes to an inmate's medical record."
February 5, 2007 The Star Ledger
Walking across the courtroom, Jerald Albrecht fell and hit the floor. It was
emblematic, perhaps, of his status among the righteous that no one rose to help
him. The convict, a sick man, tripped over his leg shackles. Albrecht, 50, is
suing a company paid nearly $100 million a year in public funds to provide
health care to 27,000 state prison inmates. He contends Correctional Medical
Services Inc. of St. Louis failed to provide timely diagnosis and treatment of
an often fatal disease that infects him and a large number of fellow inmates --
hepatitis C. He is not the first inmate to sue -- handling the infection among
convicts is a controversy that has raged for five years in New Jersey -- but he
is conducting a complex legal trial completely on his own. Albrecht, imprisoned
for robbery 22 years ago, has no lawyer, no legal training, not even a
bachelor's degree. And he is clearly not well. He is up against (literally)
Philadelphia lawyers and a judge who has thrown out much of his case by refusing
to allow witnesses on which he relied heavily. Federal District Judge Anne
Thompson in Trenton cannot help his case, but some of her rulings seem unduly
harsh. For example, she enthusiastically allowed a volunteer attorney -- Bruce
Afrin of Princeton -- to help Albrecht conduct a direct examination of himself,
but then stopped it, in front of the jury, for no apparent reason. She dismissed
Afrin, saying the process wasn't "working," but did not explain why. Albrecht
recovered. He elicited dramatic testimony from his own expert witness -- Esteban
Mezey, a liver specialist from Johns Hopkins University, who was critical of his
treatment. He held up well under cross-examination from the Philadelphia
lawyers. And, the other day, the day he fell, Albrecht conducted his own
cross-examination of the company's expert witness, a professor named Carroll
Leevy, and the contrast with what the legal pros did was remarkable. Thompson
harried Albrecht as he tried to ask questions, but let Leevy deliver long,
unsolicited lectures as responses. His speeches ate up the inmate's time and
often sounded, not like testimony, but arguments for the company paying him
$2,500 that day to testify. In the end, however, the performance helped
Albrecht. One issue is the amount of medication he received once treatment,
delayed for months, finally began. Leevy insisted a lesser amount -- given by
the company -- was appropriate, but Albrecht got the doctor to admit that he
prescribed more of the drug for his own patients and wrote at least one
scholarly article recommending a higher dosage. More important, Leevy, a
professor at the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey, showed
little patience and no compassion for the likes of Albrecht, a man who must
navigate a courtroom in a beige prison uniform, shackles and a fever. And who
falls without help. Leevy said the nearly two-year delay in treating Albrecht
"would not make a significant difference," in his condition but, under
Albrecht's questioning, Leevy conceded he would never treat his own patients
that way. "It's always pleasant to have things done in a timely manner," said
Leevy, who then added, in a bizarre moment, that Albrecht may even have
benefited from the delay because, while he wasn't being treated, new, more
effective medications were developed. Pleasant? Meanwhile, damage to Albrecht's
liver worsened. Then, while discussing drugs to be used, Leevy said even his
private patients might not have access to the best medications. "Unfortunately
not being in prison and not being able to get free drugs," he said, they
couldn't afford them. The comment drew gasps from the audience and dark stares
from jurors. Who could imagine that, no matter what Albrecht did to deserve
time, he was "fortunate" to be in jail, suffering from a fatal disease? After
his testimony, he was asked whether the comment was "a little harsh." No, said
Leevy, because "that was the reality." The testimony reflected an attitude that
Albrecht and other inmates want courts, want everyone, to see: State prisons and
their private contractors were in no rush to diagnose and treat thousands of
inmates suffering from hepatitis C. Because prisoners are bad guys. Who wants to
spend money to help them? Never mind that returning sick prisoners to freedom
creates health risks for the general population. And never mind, no matter what
he did, Albrecht is a citizen with constitutional rights. As well as a mean
guitarist who persuaded a thoroughly nonjudgmental Wynton Marsalis to come to
the prison to give a master class to a jazz combo Albrecht started. And, most of
all, even in shackles, Jerald Albrecht is a man.
July 25, 2006 The Record
New Jersey prison officials failed to make sure that a contractor who was
guaranteed $1.5 million a year actually taught inmates or even checked to see if
his "life skills" classes worked, the state auditor has found. Trenton-based
Life Skills Academy Inc. was allowed to essentially monitor its own progress and
bill the state without any supervision, the audit found. Attendance was not
properly tracked and, in at least one case, inmates did not take the required
amount of training, according to the report, a copy of which was obtained by The
Record. Life Skills Academy appears to be the only contractor whose payment is
required in the state budget -- an arrangement so unusual the auditor decided to
issue a separate report on the program's deficiencies. Records at one prison
showed that inmates attended 60 hours of classes, rather than the required 80
hours. A list of inmates who graduated from the same prison, which was not
named, included the name of "facilitators" who had already taken the class, the
report found Life Skills Academy is run by Emmanuel ben Avraham, a controversial
community activist who worked first in Newark and later in Trenton. The company
Web site proudly boasts of its ability to teach troubled inmates the skills to
make decisions and "empower them to take control of their lives and actions." It
features a slide show of photographs that include inmates as well as celebrities
such as Whitney Houston. One video shows Avraham's wife, Elianah Avraham, listed
as the company's chief of staff, excoriating inmates in a fiery presentation
that sounds more like a sermon or a stump speech than a classroom lecture.
December 21, 2004 The Record
Others spoke about how it was a "day of
promise." Bringing in the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New
Jersey to manage mental health care in the state prison system creates a unique
partnership between academia and the judicial system, they said. But as state
officials were all smiles during this October announcement, Chris Kosseff, who
heads UMDNJ's University Behavioral HealthCare division, painted a darker, more
realistic picture of the mental health care crisis in state prisons. Facing a
group of health professionals, state officials and reporters at the Department
of Corrections' Trenton headquarters, Kosseff read from a study published by the
Human Rights Watch that talks about how many prison mental health services are
"woefully deficient, crippled by understaffing, insufficient facilities and
limited programs. Beginning Jan. 1, UMDNJ will provide behavioral health
services to the state's 27,000 prisoners - 13 percent of whom have some form of
mental illness. UMDNJ
will replace Correctional Medical Services Inc. of
St. Louis
as the state's prison mental health care provider.
November 18, 2004 Daily Record
Former Chester resident Craig Szemple, who is serving three life terms for
murdering three people, will be allowed to continue his lawsuit against a state
prison medical group he claims neglected to give him physical therapy he needed
immediately after elbow and wrist surgery, a state appeals court has ruled. As
a New Jersey State Prison inmate, Szemple underwent two surgeries related to
carpal tunnel syndrome on Nov. 7, 1996, on his right wrist and elbow. The
surgeon ordered physical therapy to begin "ASAP" but Correctional
Medical Services, the conglomerate with the contract to administer health
services to some 26,000 state prisoners, did not arrange for Szemple to have a
physical therapy evaluation until March 17, 1997. Acting
as his own lawyer, Szemple in November 1998 sued Correctional Medical Services
and the state Department of Corrections, alleging that he was given substandard
care and his wrist and elbow worsened as a result of not receiving immediate
physical therapy. The medical group tried unsuccessfully several times to get
Szemple's lawsuit dismissed. Its lawyers finally succeeded in 2003, when a judge
in Mercer County dismissed the lawsuit, mainly on grounds that a chiropractor
whom Szemple wanted to use to prove his case was not qualified to do so. The
appeals court, in its opinion released Wednesday, reinstated Correctional
Medical Services as a defendant in the lawsuit, saying that the chiropractor is
qualified to give his opinion about the treatment Szemple received.
October 30, 2004 Daily Journal
A state Department of Corrections employee has filed a
lawsuit alleging sexual harassment by a clinical social worker and five other
unnamed defendants, according to court papers filed with Gloucester County
Superior Court. The
suit, filed Tuesday, claims that licensed social worker Robert Stanley subjected
Southwoods State Prison employee Tony Valentine to "a pattern of sexual
harassment" and "engaged in a pattern of retaliatory and defamatory
activity" designed to embarrass him, according to court documents.
Valentine filed a complaint with the Equal Employment Division in Nov. 2003,
leading to an investigation. The EED concluded Stanley's actions were
inflammatory, and recommended his employer, Correctional Medical Services, take
remedial action, which the lawsuit alleges was never taken.
October 7, 2002
New Jersey prisons
failed to tell hundreds of inmates that they
were infected with the potentially
fatal hepatitis C virus, in many cases withholding the information for
more than a year In a mass notification prompted by a Philadelphia
Inquirer investigation,
New Jersey prison officials told
421 inmates in the last two weeks of July of their infection, a medical
audit shows.
Uninformed
patients can spread the blood-borne disease through shared drug
paraphernalia, sex and
possibly even blood droplets on shared toothbrushes.
In
fact, 21 prisoners were recently released into the community without
being told they were infected,
according to the audit.
Art
Caplan, a medical ethicist at the University of Pennsylvania, said
that failing to tell patients about a
potentially life-threatening condition was a fundamental breach of
standard medical practice.
"The
key moral issue is that every person, including a prisoner, has a
right to know his health status,"
Caplan said.
The
prisons' private medical vendor, Correctional Medical Services (CMS),
said some of the 421 inmates
had been told prior to July but it had not been noted in their electronic
files.
CMS
spokesman Ken Fields said that because of problems transferring paper
records to a computer
system, it was impossible to determine how many had prior notification.
When
pressed for a number, Fields said that "in some cases," inmates
already knew.
The
delay in notification raises legal issues as well. The nation's courts
have a long tradition of ruling in
favor of a patient's right to know. In addition, New Jersey has a "Patient
Bill of Rights" that reinforces this
right for hospital patients. How that will happen is not clear.
CMS
last summer left hepatitis C out of its bid to renew its medical
contract with the state prisons.
CMS,
which has held the contract for six years, wanted to increase its fee
by 30 percent, or about $30
million a year, not including hepatitis C care. Its bid said it would
treat and test for hepatitis C only if the
state itself picked up the bill.
Brown
said the state rejected the CMS bid because it failed to cover
hepatitis C treatment.
With
the current CMS contract expiring at the end of this month, and no
other bidders, Brown said the
state will have to come up with alternatives - such as dividing the
state's prisons into different regions to
encourage more competitive bidding or putting out another request for
bids. (Bradenton Herald)
New Jersey Legislature
Essex County
immigrant detention center a house of controversy: Chris Megerian,
The Star-Ledger. Despite the barbed wire snaking across the top of its
perimeter fence, Delaney Hall is not a traditional lock-up.
July 30, 2011 The Star-Ledger
Essex County officials are coming under heavy criticism over how they handled
the bidding process for a facility to house federal immigration detainees, a
contract potentially worth tens of millions of dollars. U.S. Sen. Frank
Lautenberg (D-N.J.) and immigration advocates are questioning whether the
request’s specifications were tailor-made for Education and Health Centers of
America, a politically connected firm that submitted the sole bid by Thursday’s
deadline. Specifications for the contract, which call for housing at least 450
detainees, include that the facility be located within a two-hour drive of
Newark, New York and Philadelphia and within a 10-mile radius of the Essex
County Jail on Doremus Avenue in Newark; that the successful bidder have a
facility already being used for correctional purposes; and that it be within 20
miles of a major airport. EHCA has contracted with the county to provide
rehabilitation and other services for more than a decade. "This smacks of some
kind of a backdoor deal," said Amy Gottlieb, director of the Immigrant Rights
Program with the Newark chapter of the American Friends Service Committee, a
Quaker faith-based organization. "It really seems to show the process was not
open." Gottlieb said the bid process raised "serious questions," particularly
since the contract involves incarceration. "The stakes are high. This isn’t a
game," she said. "You’re talking about depriving people’s liberty." In a letter
to John Morton, director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement,
Lautenberg, the vice chairman of a Senate subcommittee that oversees federal
funding to ICE, questioned whether the county’s bidding process was "entirely
fair, open and transparent." Before any agreement is finalized, Lautenberg
wrote, "I am requesting that ICE carefully examine the terms and conditions of
such an agreement, as well as the manner in which Essex County intends to
satisfy its obligations under the agreement in order to ensure that it fully
complies with all applicable law." County officials did not make the bid
available, saying it can only be inspected after a formal public-information
request is submitted and processed. An attorney for the company, William Harla,
said the company’s bid would be judged solely on its merits. "EHCA did not ask
for any special position in the process," Harla said in an e-mail. EHCA has
reaped about $500 million in county and state Department of Corrections
contracts since 1997, according to a state comptroller’s report last month. In
January, the county freeholders renewed a $20 million jail-services contract
with the company. The bulk of those services are run out of Delaney Hall, a
residential center on Doremus Avenue for criminal offenders that prepares them
for re-entry into society. Although EHCA is a nonprofit, it sub-contracted its
service contracts to a for-profit affiliate, Community Education Centers,
according to state officials. Both companies are headed by John Clancy, a former
county youth services official who has contributed tens of thousands of dollars
to the campaign of county and state officials, according to state elections
records. Besides Clancy, who also served as president of the New Jersey
Association for Youth Services and the chairman of the county’s Family Court
Commission, William Palatucci, a close friend and former law firm colleague of
Gov. Chris Christie, works for Community Education Centers. Clancy and Community
Education Centers have made hundreds of thousands of dollars in political
contributions to county and state candidates over the years, including the most
recent re-election campaign for Essex County Executive Joseph N. DiVincenzo Jr.
Those contributions have come under scrutiny from critics of the county’s ICE
contracts. Clancy, though, has said that "a battery of attorneys" have
determined his contributions are clearly within legal bounds. In a statement,
DiVincenzo said Lautenberg’s suspicions were misplaced. "While most senators
would fight for additional revenue to lower taxes and create jobs for their
constituents, Senator Frank Lautenberg has channeled his energy into preventing
Essex County’s taxpayers from receiving $50 million in revenue," DiVincenzo
said. The statement said the county fosters open and competitive pricing "so
that we can obtain the most professionally delivered and cost efficient services
for our residents."
July 27, 2011 New York Times
Three weeks ago, Essex County, N.J., announced that it was seeking a company to
run a 450-bed immigrant detention center, hoping to take advantage of a
federally financed initiative to set up such facilities with better supervision
and medical care. The county said the contracting process was open to any
company. But behind the scenes, it appears that officials have a clear favorite:
Community Education Centers, which has a checkered record in immigrant detention
but counts one of Gov. Chris Christie’s closest confidants as a senior vice
president. The company’s executives are also political backers of the county
executive, Joseph N. DiVincenzo Jr., a prominent ally of Mr. Christie. The
county’s bidding rules specified that visitors to the detention center greet
detainees “in the gymnasium” — a requirement that seemed to point to an existing
facility, Delaney Hall in Newark, operated by Community Education Centers.
Bidders were given 23 days to submit applications, an unusually short deadline
for a multimillion-dollar contract. Community Education Centers itself seemed to
act as if its selection were a done deal. The deadline for bids is Thursday, but
the company posted advertisements on its Web site weeks ago to fill five jobs
working with immigrant detainees at the facility. And this week, federal
immigration officials and Community Education staff members gave tours of
Delaney Hall to advocates for immigrants, telling them that it would probably be
the new facility. The advocates were not shown other sites. Questioned about the
selection process, Essex officials said the bidding was fair and open to any
company. A spokesman for Mr. Christie said the governor’s office had no
involvement in the contract. Federal and local officials have not indicated the
size of the contract for the winning bidder, but it appears the total could
amount to $8 million to $10 million annually. Government at all levels has
pushed to privatize prisons and detention centers in recent decades, trying to
save money and improve services. The federal government, which has been
apprehending a growing number of immigrants, plans to use private companies to
help overhaul a detention system that includes a patchwork of facilities. But
privatized prisons and detention centers have at times became ensnared in
scandals over mistreatment of their charges. In fact, Community Education
Centers, based in West Caldwell, N.J., was seriously penalized in 2008 under an
earlier contract to house immigrants at Delaney Hall. After an immigrant
escaped, officials responded by removing the remaining 120 detainees from the
company’s supervision and placing them in a public jail. Immigrant detention
centers typically house immigrants, both legal and illegal, who are facing
deportation because of visa violations or criminal convictions. With a shortage
of beds in the Northeast, the federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency
announced plans last year to house hundreds of detainees in Essex County.
Officials said the detainees would have better access to lawyers and consulates,
enabling the authorities to curb the transfer of detainees to distant places
like Texas. Community Education’s senior vice president is William J. Palatucci,
Mr. Christie’s political mentor and former law partner, and one of the state’s
well-known Republican strategists. Mr. Palatucci was a major fund-raiser for
George W. Bush’s 2000 presidential campaign, and recommended to the Bush
administration that it nominate Mr. Christie for United States attorney for New
Jersey, a job he held from 2002 to 2009. Community Education and its executives
are major supporters of Mr. DiVincenzo, one of the most powerful politicians in
North Jersey. Community Education employees, including senior executives and
several of their family members, have donated a total of $30,600 to Mr.
DiVincenzo’s campaigns since 2006, according to disclosure records. Mr.
DiVincenzo, the county executive since 2002, is also influential in Trenton.
Though he is a Democrat, he has developed a close relationship with Mr.
Christie, a Republican, who swore him in for his third term. Mr. DiVincenzo has
said he agrees with 95 percent of what the governor is doing, and has broken
ranks with his party to support Mr. Christie’s efforts to curb the pay and
benefits of public employees. Mr. Christie’s press secretary, Michael Drewniak,
said, “There is no basis whatsoever to bring the governor into this and doing so
sounds like a total stretch.” Essex County’s counsel, James R. Paganelli, said
neither Community Education nor any other company had the inside track for the
contract. “We have a public bid looking for anybody who thinks they can provide
these services,” Mr. Paganelli said. “I hope that this bid is as competitive as
we can make it.” Mr. Paganelli said he expected as many as 30 companies to
express interest, and he declined to speak about any bidder in particular. A
Community Education spokesman, Christopher Greeder, said any claim that the
company had “received favored status from Essex County is unfounded.” Mr.
Greeder said Delaney Hall was fully accredited and had housed more than 80,000
individuals since its opening in 2000. Asked why the company had advertised for
jobs at the detention center before it knew whether it had won the contract, he
said: “As a private company, we often advertise for positions in advance of any
contract award. We want to be prepared.” He added that there was no connection
between campaign contributions given by company executives and government
contracts. For their part, federal officials said they were already making plans
to send immigrants to Delaney Hall because Essex specifically mentioned it in
its proposal to the federal government. They were not aware that the county was
considering other facilities, said Gillian M. Christensen, a spokeswoman for the
immigration agency. Immigrant advocates called the contracting process severely
flawed. Amy Gottlieb, director of the Immigrant Rights Program at the American
Friends Service Committee, said, “The idea that a company can advertise a job
before they have the contract is offensive, because the stakes are so high.”
Although the details are still being made final, Immigration and Customs
Enforcement plans to assign 800 immigrants to the Essex jail, which currently
holds about 500, and plans to place an additional 450 detainees in Delaney Hall,
which is nearby, Ms. Christensen said. To solicit bids, Essex County advertised
in The Star-Ledger of Newark and posted the requirements on a county Web site,
following standard procedure, according to Mr. Paganelli, the county counsel. He
said county officials did not actively solicit companies to bid. By comparison,
the New York State Office of General Services said that when the state issued
contracts for specialized services, it advertised in multiple publications,
posted the requirements online and contacted competing firms that perform
similar services.
June 16, 2011 NJ 101.5
State Comptroller Matt Boxer is questioning the State Department of Corrections
(DOC) about the state's largest halfway house provider, Education and Health
Centers of America, Inc. (EHCA), because of its subcontracting arrangement with
a for-profit company, Community Education Centers, Inc. (CEC). Under state law,
only non-profits can provide halfway house services. Boxer says EHCA pays CEC
the entire contracted per diem rates. Of $400 million the state has paid EHCA
since 1997, EHCA has paid CEC approximately $390 million to provide "all the
services" under EHCA's public contracts, including the "operation, support
services management and maintenance" of the facilities. "One of the issues that
we found is that there are questions about the eligibility of one of those
halfway houses to be a part of this program," explains Boxer. "We sent a letter
to the Department of Corrections suggesting that on this issue they seek formal
legal advice from the (State) Attorney General's Office and they've agreed to do
that." Bill Palatucci is one of Governor Chris Christie's closest allies. He's a
senior vice president and general counsel for public affairs at CEC and the
director of development at EHCA. He says CEC has had no new contracts since
1998. "We're still operating under the same agreement that was approved by
Attorney General back then, so we're a bit puzzled by the report," says
Palatucci. "We'll take a look and talk to the Department of Corrections about
it."
July 8, 2010 The Star-Ledger
In a move certain to only increase speculation about Gov. Chris Christie’s
political future beyond New Jersey, the Republican State Committee tonight
elected Bill Palatucci, a close Christie friend, advisor and former law partner,
as the state’s new male representative on the Republican National Committee.
Palatucci, 52, replaces David Norcross, a former Republican State Committee
chairman and 1976 U.S. Senate candidate who was elected committeeman in 1992. “I
think in a small way I can just be the eyes and ears, not only for (Christie)
but for the state party. Secondly, it’s nice to be able to be proud for New
Jersey again and help export the ideas that are proving so successful right now
in New Jersey down to the national scene,” said Palatucci. Palatucci denied
speculation that Norcross, whose term does not end until 2012, was pressured to
resign by Christie to make way for a close ally. “I think that’s unfair to
David. David has been very clear that he was in his last term and he was always
looking for the right time to step aside,” he said. Twenty-three of the state’s
42 Republican committee members showed up at the meeting at the Princeton Hyatt
to vote for Palatucci by affirmation. Nobody else ran for the position and
Norcross did not attend the meeting. Amanda Brown/The Star-LedgerDavid Norcross,
in this 2004 file photo. Palatucci is senior vice president and general counsel
for Community Education Centers in West Caldwell, which operates halfway houses
for the reintegration of former prison inmates.
June 21, 2010 The Daily Journal
A close friend, political contributor and adviser to Gov. Chris Christie is a
top-ranking employee of Community Education Centers Inc., the largest company
providing the state with treatment centers for former inmates. Christie has said
the state is in dire financial straits and has made massive cuts in his proposed
fiscal 2011 budget, but funding for the treatment centers -- traditionally known
as halfway houses -- is set to increase $3.1 million. It's one of the rare
programs to receive additional funding under Christie. The final treatment
center budget under the state Department of Corrections will be $64.6 million,
if the Legislature approves the budget. Deborah Howlett, executive director of
New Jersey Policy Perspective and a former official in Gov. Jon S. Corzine's
administration, said, "I've heard Gov. Christie say many times not to take a cup
of coffee from someone. With other social services programs being cut to the
bone, a program that could benefit a friend is increased. Why?" *Longtime
Christie adviser William J. Palatucci, a senior vice president and general
counsel for Community Education Centers in West Caldwell, told Gannett New
Jersey he's "deregistered as a lobbyist" and "will not lobby in New Jersey on
behalf of CEC."* *Palatucci's relationship with Christie goes back at least to
the 1990s. Palatucci helped run Christie's gubernatorial campaign last year and
was co-chair of the governor's inaugural committee. Palatucci personally has
contributed $26,650 to the GOP since 1985.* CEC has contributed a total
of$372,350 to both parties during that time, mostly to Democrats, and its
chairman, John J. Clancy, has contributed $138,525, mostly to Democrats. Michael
Drewniak, press secretary for the governor, said: "Bill Palatucci has been
involved with Mr. Clancy's company for a very long time. Mr. Clancy's bids will
be judged on their merits, and that's the only consideration that is involved.
Any suggestion of outside influence is not based on the facts." According to
Corrections Commissioner Gary M. Lanigan, his department currently contracts for
a total of 3,029 beds in residential treatment programs. During the course of a
typical year, anywhere from8,500 to8,800 inmates go through treatment facilities
as a way to help them re-enter society, according to the DOC. Lanigan said
Friday that legislation passed last year mandated the Department of Corrections
must maintain 100 percent occupancy in the beds under contract. Previously, 95
percent occupancy was required. That change in the law accounts for the proposed
$3.1 million budget increase, he said. The state is in the process of awarding
new contracts for the treatment programs. The final decision, expected June 30,
will be made by Lanigan, following a review both by an evaluation committee and
state budget officials who examine the finances of each company submitting bids,
DOC spokesman Matt Schuman said. Eight vendors currently have contracts with the
DOC. CEC's relationship with the state is complex. CEC, a for-profit company,
"does not hold any state contracts," company spokesman Christopher Greeder said.
But CEC provides services for a nonprofit, Wall-based company called Education
and Health Centers of America. "They hold the contracts," Greeder said.
Palatucci was listed as a paid director of development for Education and Health
Centers, while Clancy, the CEO and chairman of CEC, was listed as the paid
president, according to the nonprofit's 2009 IRS tax report. Under pay-to-play
laws, a for-profit business receiving $50,000 or more through agreements or
contracts with New Jersey public entities is required to file annual disclosures
of its contributions with the election commission, according to the Department
of Treasury. Pay-to-play disclosure laws were passed in recent years to prevent
undue influence, or the appearance of undue influence, by political contributors
in the state's multibillion-dollar contracting process. However, because the
nonprofit Education and Health Centers is awarded the contracts with the state,
the for-profit CEC -- which provides the bulk of services for the Education and
Health Centers contracts -- is not required to file pay-to-play disclosures with
the commission. Nonprofits, and any political contributions by its officers,
were made exempt from the 2005 pay-to-play reporting laws in 2008. Palatucci
said he spoke with Christie after he was elected and told him he would no longer
lobby on behalf of CEC in New Jersey. "The governor accepted this," he said.
Lanigan said Palatucci's relationship with the governor "no way impacts the
process. My job is to keep up a firewall, to make sure the process has not been
tainted." In the current contract Education and Health Centers has with the
Department of Corrections, CEC provides 1,687 beds -- 1,226 in assessment
centers and 461 in treatment programs, Lanigan said. Most of CEC's New Jersey
beds are in Newark and Trenton. The rate charged the department is $62 per
inmate per day in a treatment program and between $70 and $75 in an assessment
center, he added. An assessment center is a facility an offender goes to after
being released from prison. That inmate then will be placed in a treatment
center for substance, behavioral or other problems. The department spent $61.5
million this budget year and plans to spend $64.6 million in the next fiscal
year, which starts July 1, according to the state budget. Joseph Marbach, dean
of the College of Arts & Sciences at Seton Hall University, says the state owes
the public more of an explanation. "Why is this portion of the budget going up
when so many things are being slashed?" Marbach said. "What's the underlying
reason? Anything that might benefit Mr. Christie's friend, Mr. Palatucci?
Somebody's going to benefit from government, one way or another. The governor
has been very vocal in criticizing these kinds of relationships. For
consistency's sake, you'd think Mr. Palatucci would take a leave of absence or
recuse himself while Mr. Christie is in office." Palatucci said he is "an
advocate for alternatives to incarceration, and none of that requires me to
lobby for CEC. ... I told the governor in January, 'I'm not going to talk to you
about my company.'"
New Jersey State Prison
Trenton, New Jersey
Correctional Medical Services
October 30, 2008 The Times of Trenton News
Two workers at the New Jersey State Prison in Trenton were indicted on
charges related to smuggling cell phones to inmates. In an indictment that was
handed up Monday, Darlene R. Sexton, 44, of Trenton was charged with five counts
of official misconduct and two counts of unlawful use of a cell phone in a
correctional facility, said Casey DeBlasio, a spokeswoman for the prosecutor.
State Corrections Officer Lisa Whittaker, 32, of Trenton was indicted on two
counts of official misconduct and one count of hindering apprehension, DeBlasio
said. Whittaker allegedly gave investigators from the Department of Corrections
false information during their investigation of Sexton. It's the first
indictment of a corrections worker by Mercer County authorities for cell phone
smuggling, DeBlasio said, although in mates and others have been indicted on
charges of smuggling cell phones at other correctional facilities. Last year the
Department of Corrections fired 52 prison officers, some of them for smuggling
contra band into the prisons. Sexton, a registered nurse employed by New Jersey
State Prison Correctional Medical Services, was allegedly involved in an "unduly
familiar relationship" with Arlington King, an inmate, officials said. Sexton
allegedly committed misconduct by bringing cell phones to King and Craig Reid,
another in mate, while they were incarcerated between Jan. 8 and Nov. 17, 2007,
DeBlasio said. Officials at the St. Louis-based company, which no longer has a
contract with New Jersey to provide medical services for the prison, could not
be reached for comment late yesterday. Sexton, however, "maintains her
innocence," said her defense lawyer Robin Lord. "She's not a public official so
I don't know where they're going with that charge. She is employed by a private
company. I'm going to file a motion to have the indictment dismissed." Sexton
was charged with providing "contraband" to several in mates incarcerated at the
prison.
November 18, 2004 Daily Record
Former Chester resident Craig Szemple, who is serving three life terms
for murdering three people, will be allowed to continue his lawsuit
against a state prison medical group he claims neglected to give him
physical therapy he needed immediately after elbow and wrist surgery, a
state appeals court has ruled. As
a New Jersey State Prison inmate, Szemple underwent two surgeries
related to carpal tunnel syndrome on Nov. 7, 1996, on his right wrist
and elbow. The surgeon ordered physical therapy to begin
"ASAP" but Correctional Medical Services, the conglomerate
with the contract to administer health services to some 26,000 state
prisoners, did not arrange for Szemple to have a physical therapy
evaluation until March 17, 1997. Acting as his own lawyer, Szemple in November 1998 sued
Correctional Medical Services and the state Department of Corrections,
alleging that he was given substandard care and his wrist and elbow
worsened as a result of not receiving immediate physical therapy. The
medical group tried unsuccessfully several times to get Szemple's
lawsuit dismissed. Its lawyers finally succeeded in 2003, when a judge
in Mercer County dismissed the lawsuit, mainly on grounds that a
chiropractor whom Szemple wanted to use to prove his case was not
qualified to do so. The
appeals court, in its opinion released Wednesday, reinstated
Correctional Medical Services as a defendant in the lawsuit, saying that
the chiropractor is qualified to give his opinion about the treatment
Szemple received.
Oyster
Creek Nuclear Power Plant
Oyster Creek, New Jersey
Wackenhut
April 17, 2003
Two security guards at the Oyster Creek nuclear power plant were removed
from their posts a day after an employee found them sleeping on the job, company
officials said.
The guards, who were placed on administrative leave by their
private employer, were stationed at a second checkpoint outside the plant at
4:50 a.m. Monday when they were found sleeping by an employee coming to
work. This follows on the heels of two other problems reported recently: A
local news station aired footage of someone driving around the plant's parking
lot unchallenged by security, and warning sirens were found to be
inoperative. "First it was the van, then it was the sirens, now this.
What's next?" Lacey resident Janet Wickham said. "It's like Homer
Simpson is running the plant or something." The guards -- whose names
were not made public -- were employees of Wackenhut, a Florida-based security
firm. Each had been with the company for about a year: one was a former member
of the military, the other a former police officer, said John Jasinski, director
of nuclear operations for Wackenhut. (Asbury Park Press)
Passaic
County Jail
Passaic County, New Jersey
Aramark
February 19, 2006 Herald News
Passaic County Jail inmate prayers -- and stomach
rumblings -- have been heard. Sheriff Jerry Speziale is firing the jail's meal
provider, Aramark, and inmates will take charge of the kitchen come May,
Speziale spokesman Bill Maer said Friday. "We can do it as well as them at this
point," he said. The company's $1.7 million annual contract is being terminated
because of poor "quality, service, attentiveness," said Maer. Jail officials
haven't estimated how much they will save by cooking in-house, and the financial
aspect is secondary, said Maer. Inmates said the food is cold, measly in portion
size, not varied enough and served on dirty trays, forcing some to pay as much
as $200 a month on pre-packaged food from the jail's commissary. The
Philadelphia-based vendor was the only bidder for the contract and company
executives have since 2002 contributed at least $3,700 to Speziale's campaign,
according to election reports. Speziale had advised the company twice over the
past year to step up food quality and professionalism or lose the contract.
Earlier this month, an Aramark employee at the jail was charged with selling
marijuana to inmates. The federal government began an audit -- its second within
four years -- into possible mistreatment of detainees and substandard jail
conditions at Passaic. The audit is due for release by April. Maer said the
firing of Aramark is unrelated to the audit. Three jail inmates said Friday they
believed Speziale's decision is designed to appease a growing chorus of inmate
complaints about unacceptable jail conditions, in his quest to secure more
federal and state inmates in 2006. Housing those inmates provided $20.9 million
to the department last year.
February 5, 2006 NorthJersey.com
A food service employee at the Passaic County Jail was arrested Saturday and
charged with smuggling marijuana to inmates. Three weeks ago, an anonymous
source tipped jail investigators that Roody Preval, 18, of Spring Valley, N.Y.,
could be selling marijuana to jail inmates, according to Bill Maer, a spokesman
for the Passaic County Sheriff's Department. Employed by Aramark Food Services,
Preval had been working as a warehouse supervisor at the Passaic County Jail on
weekends since July 15. Investigators searched Preval when he reported to work
at 12:10 p.m. Saturday, and they found three grams of marijuana hidden in a
Newport 100 cigarette box. Preval was charged with conspiracy to distribute
marijuana, possession of marijuana, possession of marijuana 1,000 feet from a
school, and conspiracy to provide an inmate with contraband knowing that the
contraband was illegal.
January 20, 2006 Herald News
Under pressure from inmates complaining about the quality of jail cuisine,
Passaic County Sheriff Jerry Speziale may terminate a $1.7 million food service
contract with facility's current provider, Philadelphia-based Aramark. "The
sheriff is holding Aramark's feet to the fire regarding the food quality issue,"
Bill Maer, spokesman for the Passaic County Sheriff's Department, said Thursday.
Speziale's threat this week issued to Aramark is his second - last June he
changed the company's contract from annual to month-to-month and told Aramark
officials the firm needed to improve food quality and increase the menu variety,
Maer said. Speziale's promise to re-evaluate Aramark's competency came after a 2
p.m. meeting on Wednesday with a group of about seven U.S. Marshals Service
inmates over grievances, which included the poor quality of the food served at
the county, Maer said. Much of the changes demanded from the food service
company could be traced to a long-simmering controversy over the poor quality of
the meals being served at the county jail. A letter dated Jan. 7 from an
anonymous group of U.S. Marshals Service inmates said the meals are cold and too
cheap to be nutritious.
April 2, 2005 Herald News
The Passaic County Jail may drop its $1.4 million-a-year
contract with the food vendor Aramark. "At
this point, the department is considering making alterations or terminating the
contract," said Sheriff's Department spokesman Bill Maer. "Although
the department feels that the vendor has been deficient in many areas, at this
point a final decision has not been made." "Preliminarily,
yes, (jail officials) have said that we could do it cheaper and better,"
said County Administrator Anthony DeNova.
Somerset County School Board
Bernards, New Jersey
Aramark
February 2, 2010 AAP.com
Four Shore area men have been arrested in an alleged scheme to artificially
inflate bills for school maintenance work that cost taxpayers in Bernards,
Somerset County, at least $2.1 million over a five-year period. Appearing in
court here Tuesday were Robert E. Titus Jr., 52, of Jackson; John Paris, 61, of
Middletown's Belford section; Edward Beach, 52, of Toms River and Gabriel
Caponetto, 50, of Howell. Somerset County Prosecutor Wayne Forrest announced the
arrests during a news briefing Tuesday morning in his Somerville office, and
said at least two state agencies will review the case. The overbillings took
place between January 2003 and October 2008, and part of the proceeds supported
Titus' gambling habit, according to Forrest. "So far, we've been able to prove
inflated invoices totaling $2.1 million," said Forrest, who added the amount
lost by the Bernards district probably never will be known, since the exact
price of each job, bid at competitive levels during those years, never was
explored through the bidding process. The scheme was uncovered during a yearlong
investigation. According to Forrest, Titus, as an employee of the district's
facilities-management vendor, Philadelphia-based Aramark Corp., submitted
inflated bills for various projects performed by Paris' construction firm and
subcontractors. Aramark, a national corporation that provides similar services
to school districts throughout the country, was unaware of the overbilling and
is not charged in the case. Aramark has since reimbursed the school district for
what is believed to be the entire amount of the thefts, according to Forrest.
Aramark also provides food-service and janitorial work for the district, but the
overbilling concerns mostly maintenance projects, noted Assistant Prosecutor
Thomas Chirachilla. "Various projects, things like door replacement, a boiler,
storm-drain replacements," he said. Aramark pays it back -- Forrest said the
investigation began in December 2008, after the Prosecutor's Office was
approached by Aramark and the Bernards school district with word of a long-term
theft against the district by Titus, an Aramark employee. Titus had been the
company's onsite manager in the district since 1999, a position that enabled him
to hire contractors to complete various construction projects without the
district going through the public bidding process. Since 2003, Titus allegedly
used the same contractor — Paris — for all projects, repairs and maintenance he
oversaw. At times, Paris also hired subcontractors, none of whom is charged in
the scheme. "Defendant Paris then submitted invoices to Titus that would be
processed by Aramark and ultimately submitted to the school district for
payment," Forrest said. "However, unbeknownst to Aramark, the invoices had been
inflated by Titus to allow him to receive monies to which he was not entitled,"
the prosecutor said. The difference between the actual and inflated cost was
then given to Titus as a kickback by Paris as a payment for providing Paris with
a steady flow of work in the district, according to Forrest. The defendants
tried to cover up the thefts by having Paris deposit the inflated checks into
his business account. The checks then either were made payable to cash and taken
to Caponetto, who would add or substitute his company's name on the payee line,
endorse the checks, cash them and send the money back to Titus, again through a
third party. Caponetto was given $100 for each check he cashed. Checks also were
written by Paris with the payee line left blank and taken to a check-cashing
store, Check Cashing Station in Hazlet, where Beach allegedly entered the
check-cashing client database, chose an existing name at random and entered it
on the payee line for Paris. Beach then received a portion of the check-cashing
fee that was normally charged. Discrepancies spotted -- Forrest said the scheme
was uncovered in July 2008, when newly appointed Bernards School District
Business Administrator Nick Markarian began noticing inconsistencies between
invoices submitted by Titus and the actual work performed. After Titus was
confronted by Schools Superintendent Valerie Goger, he admitted "doctoring" an
invoice, apologized, cleaned out his office and left the district, according to
Forrest. Aramark, Titus' employer, then launched its own investigation, Forrest
stated, turning over an internal audit to the Prosecutor's Office that revealed
approximately $2.1 million in thefts over the five-plus years. Titus and Paris
face charges of money laundering, theft by deception and conspiracy, while Beach
faces money-laundering and conspiracy charges, as well as charges of forgery and
uttering forged instruments. Caponetto is charged only with money laundering.
South Woods State Prison
Bridgeton, New Jersey
Correctional Medical Services
November 23, 2005 Today's Sunbeam
Less than a month after a Southern State Corrections Facility employee was
sentenced here in Superior Court for having sex with inmates, a staff member at
South Woods State Prison has been accused of similar behavior. Dawn Brown, a
nurse aide at the 1,500-inmate South Woods prison in Bridgeton, was picked up by
state Department of Corrections Special Investigations officers Friday and taken
to Cumberland County Jail on charges she had consensual sex with at least one
male inmate at South Woods. "This is something that's completely
unacceptable," said state DOC spokeswoman Deirdre Fedkenheuer. "It was
consensual in the fact that no one was raped. When you have somebody in a
supervisory position this sometimes happens." Brown, who has been charged
with sexual assault and official misconduct, was hired by Correctional Medical
Services in May 2004. CMS provides medical services at South Woods State Prison
and other state facilities throughout New Jersey.
Trenton School Board
Trenton, New Jersey
Aramark
June 30, 2010 Star Ledger
Aramark defended its operation of the school
district's cafeterias this week as parents claimed the company gave their
children poor quality food and demanded its contract not be renewed. The parents
who complained to the school board during its meeting Monday included Waldemar
Ronquillo, who distributed copies of a photo he said he took of his son's
cafeteria tray during a recent lunch at Woodrow Wilson School. The Styrofoam
tray in the picture contained a serving of macaroni and cheese, a piece of
broccoli and an unidentified third dish. Two other compartments on the tray were
empty. "Tell me if you guys want to eat that lunch," Ronquillo, the school's PTO
president, said to the board members. "My kids come home hungry because they
don't eat in school. They throw the food away." "Please, bring some better food
for the kids," he said. Other city residents, including Councilman Manuel
Segura, renewed their protests against the privatization of school services.
Aramark took over the food service last fall, and the district is considering
hiring a private security company to replace its school guards. "I went to one
school where I saw the kids throwing the food in the garbage," Segura said.
"Privatizing hasn't worked. Hold them accountable, or bring someone else who
really cares." The board also heard from Aramark's regional manager, Alicia
Kent, who gave a presentation describing the company's work since it was hired
to help eliminate the district's $3 million annual food service deficit. Total
costs have fallen from $6.8 million last year to $3.7 million this year,
according to her presentation. Aramark rehired 117 former district cafeteria
workers at lower pay, as well as a few new workers, cutting labor costs from
$3.7 million to $2.3 million. It spent $1.7 million less on food, in part by
using free government commodities. The company pushed to enroll more students in
the free- and reduced-price lunch program, and began providing free breakfasts
to all students last November, she said.
Union County Jail
Union County, New Jersey
Aramark
July 13, 2010 News-Record
Union County police officers arrested an Elizabeth woman on July 6 following an
investigation into tobacco smuggling at the Union County Jail, officials said.
The month-long investigation resulted in the apprehension and arrest of
Shakiedah Payne, 30, an employee of Aramark, the company that provides food
service at the jail. Authorities said Payne admitted to smuggling contraband in
the form of tobacco products into the jail. She was released pending a court
appearance.
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