Dallas County Jail,
Dallas, Texas
October 11, 2006 The Dallas Morning News
Dallas County commissioners voted Tuesday for the first time to
award a jail commissary contract, ending a tradition in which the
sheriff decided who gets the lucrative deal to sell snacks and other
items to more than 7,000 inmates. The roughly $34 million, five-year
contract awarded to Keefe Commissary Network is expected to generate
more money for the county than the existing contract. County officials
who didn't like how the former sheriff handled the awarding of the
existing commissary contract moved to get state law changed last year to
allow commissioners to decide the commissary vendor. The new law allows
the sheriff to designate commissioners to decide the contract. Sheriff
Lupe Valdez didn't want to be involved because of past problems, her
spokesman has said. Keefe, a St. Louis company, estimated that annual
revenue to the county based on sales of snacks, pens, toiletries,
playing cards and other items would be about $2.6 million, which is
almost four times what the current contractor provides. That contractor,
Mid-America Services, was given the contract in 2002 by then-Sheriff Jim
Bowles, who was a longtime friend of the owner, Jack Madera. At the
time, commissioners complained that other companies offered better
financial terms. Commissioner Kenneth Mayfield cast the sole vote
against the contract award, saying Aramark offered a better value to the
county. He said Aramark offered a slightly higher commission rate as
well as $1 million in upfront money, to be paid out each year of the
contract. But Commissioner John Wiley Price said Keefe guaranteed the
county at least $2 million each year. "The numbers speak for
themselves," he said. Mr. Mayfield also said Keefe did not disclose to
the county its involvement in a federal corruption investigation in
Florida involving a prison contract until after the Justice Department
issued a news release about it in July. The county's request for
proposals required such a disclosure. The former head of the Florida
corrections department and a prison official were charged in July with
accepting more than $130,000 in kickbacks from a Keefe subcontractor
over two years in connection with a 2003 prison-store contract. "There's
a lot of smoke there," Mr. Mayfield said. "I find it incredulous that
Keefe did not know they were under investigation in 2004 and 2005." No
knowledge: Keefe's chief executive wrote in a July 31 letter to
purchasing supervisor Linda Boles that the company had no knowledge of
illegal activity related to the case. In a Sept. 11 letter, U.S.
Attorney Paul Perez in Florida wrote that Keefe and its employees are
considered witnesses in the investigation but that could change.
"Nothing in this letter ... shall preclude the United States from later
determining that Keefe or any of its employees are subjects or targets
of this investigation," he wrote. It isn't the only controversy in which
the company has been involved. In 2004, Keefe was found to have charged
sales tax on some items that aren't taxable in Texas in connection with
a Collin County jail commissary contract. As a result, almost 600
inmates were overcharged more than $5,000, records showed. Because of
the error, the Collin County sheriff awarded the contract to a different
firm.
October 4, 2006 Dallas Morning News
Dallas County commissioners on Tuesday unanimously approved the
first phase of a plan to provide more clinical space inside the jail for
inmate medical and mental health needs. The county's selection committee
recommended that St. Louis-based Keefe Commissary Network be awarded the
five-year contract to sell snacks, toiletries and other items to the
more than 7,000 inmates. The company's bid calls for a 40 percent
commission on sales or $2 million in guaranteed annual revenue for the
county, whichever is greater. Revenue under the current vendor has
averaged about $670,600 a year over the last three years, according to
the county auditor. "It shows what can come from a very well-run
procurement process," Mr. Clemson said. Keefe disclosed to the county
that it currently is under investigation by the U.S. Department of
Justice over kickbacks its subcontractor is accused of paying to the
former head of corrections in Florida in connection with a prison
contract.
DeWitt County Jail, Cuero, Texas
May 9, 2006 The Victoria Advocate
Bookkeeping problems in the DeWitt County Jail commissary should be a
thing of the past now that the supplier and office policy have changed,
Sheriff Jode Zavesky told county commissioners Monday. Zavesky said he
had signed a contract earlier this month with Keefe Supply Company to
supply and administer the jail's commissary. "Our last supplier (Aramark)
kind of left us dangling," the sheriff said. "They said we were too
small an operation and they weren't coming back." Commissioner Curtis
Afflerbach asked if the problems with the system that the county auditor
reported at the last court's meeting would be resolved with the new
company. "We hope to reconcile that the best we can prior to this new
contract," Zavesky said. "We've also implemented some changes with our
staff that we hope will keep us from getting into the same problems."
Florida Department of Corrections
April 24, 2007 St Petersburg Times
The former head of the state Department of Corrections, who admitted
that he accepted tens of thousands of dollars in kickbacks from a prison
contractor, was sentenced to eight years in prison Tuesday. James Crosby
was given 30 days to report to federal prison to begin serving his
sentence. Prosecutors had agreed to a sentence of no more than 57
months, but U.S. District Judge Virginia Hernandez Covington said Crosby
deserved a longer sentence because he violated a position of trust. At
sentencing, Crosby apologized to the people of Florida, to Department of
Corrections employees and to the current DOC chief, James McDonough, who
was appointed to replace Crosby after he resigned in February 2006.
McDonough was the only witness the government called to testify at the
sentencing Tuesday. He told the judge how corrupt the department he
inherited had become, with undisciplined employees who took the law into
their own hands. "Corruption had become a cancer on the department,"
McDonough told the judge. "My office was a crime scene taped off, an
indication we had serious problems." Crosby, 54, and Allen Clark, 40, a
former regional director for prisons in North Florida, were charged
together last year with accepting more than $130,000 in kickbacks
between October 2003 and February 2006. Clark is scheduled to be
sentenced Wednesday. Crosby started as a guard in the prison system in
1975 and worked his way to the top, using his considerable political
skills to curry favor with state officials and the Police Benevolent
Association, the union that represents corrections officers. As he
worked his way to the top, he became close friends with lobbyists and
the prison vendors who hire them. The government said Clark accepted
kickbacks from American Institutional Services, a Gainesville company
that supplied the prison commissary, and that Clark would share the
kickbacks with Crosby. The kickbacks totaled up to $12,000 a month.
July 11, 2006 AP
Former Corrections Department Secretary James Crosby Jr. pleaded
guilty Tuesday to taking thousands of dollars in kickbacks from a prison
contractor, blaming some of his actions on alcohol abuse. After entering
his guilty plea, Crosby told reporters he was ashamed of his actions. It
was another step in the downfall of a man whose prison system was
recently the target of several scandals and investigations. "I apologize
to everyone. What I did was wrong," Crosby said. "I wish I could take it
back." Crosby told U.S. Magistrate Marcia Morales Howard that he was
being treated for alcohol abuse and high blood pressure. "I am getting
treatment," Crosby said, when asked by reporters if he was an alcoholic.
He would not give details into the kickback case. "I made a choice. I
pleaded guilty," he said. "I take responsibility for what I did." Crosby
apologized to Gov. Jeb Bush, his family and the citizens of Florida. "I
misled Gov. Bush," Crosby said. He added that "shame" had kept him from
contacting Bush after he was fired. Crosby, 53, and his protege, Allen
Wayne Clark, formerly one of the department's regional directors, were
charged last week with accepting kickbacks from American Institutional
Services, a company which sold snacks and drinks to prison visitors on
weekends. American Institutional Services, based in Gainesville, was a
subcontractor of Keefe Commissary Network in St. Louis, which had the
contract to supply commissary services to inmates. At Clark's and
Crosby's urging AIS was hired by Keefe to handle the cash weekend sales
to prison visitors.
July 5, 2006 AP
Former Florida prison chief James Crosby will plead guilty to a federal
charge of accepting kickbacks from a subcontractor, according to court
documents filed Wednesday. Crosby and former corrections department
regional director Allen Clark are accused of accepting $130,000 from the
contractor over a 2 1/2-year period ending this past February, according
to the documents filed in U.S. District Court. Clark, who was viewed as
Crosby's protege, will be charged with the same crime. Like Crosby, he
has entered into a plea agreement with federal officials; Clark's
arraignment is scheduled for Thursday. Gov. Jeb Bush forced Crosby to
resign as state corrections secretary in February after Crosby became
part of a wide-ranging investigation into possible criminal activity
among prison system employees. Crosby's attorney, Steven R. Andrews of
Tallahassee, said his client will be in Jacksonville on Tuesday for
arraignment. Crosby agreed to the terms of the agreement June 27, the
documents show. U.S. Attorney Paul Perez said both Crosby and Clark can
expect up to eight years in prison as part of the agreement.
Additionally, law enforcement officials said seven other current and
former prison employees are facing state charges of grand theft and one
other person a charge of accepting unauthorized compensation as part of
a lengthy, wide-ranging investigation into the embattled corrections
department. "I am disappointed by this violation of the publics trust
and by the abuses committed by those in leadership positions," Bush said
in a statement. "Our work requires the highest level of integrity.
Anything less is unacceptable and undermines the good work done by many
capable and committed state employees." As part of the agreement, Crosby
waived indictment and will not face any other federal charges in return
for his cooperation in the ongoing investigation of the prison system.
Through his attorney, Crosby - who face maximums 10 years in federal
prison, a $250,000 fine, or both on the kickback charge - had no
immediate comment. "He'll issue a statement sometime later. ... He hopes
to get on with his life," Andrews said. According to the plea agreement,
Crosby agreed to accept the kickbacks with Clark - who resigned under
fire last August - from a person who eventually became a subcontractor
between the department and the Keefe Commissary Network, a firm that
sold snacks to state prison visitors on weekends. It could not be
immediately determined if Clark has an attorney. The person arranging
the kickbacks is described as being from the Gainesville area and an
acquaintance of Clark and Crosby, but not otherwise named. Clark would
accept the kickbacks from that unnamed conspirator, according to the
documents, and deliver part of those payments to Crosby. They totaled up
to $12,000 monthly. Crosby, according to the documents, stopped
receiving his portion of the kickbacks after Clark resigned, but Clark
continued taking money from the conspirator until earlier this year.
Crosby, who started in the prison system in 1975, was a former warden at
Florida State Prison and headed the nation's third largest corrections
system. Over the final months of his tenure as corrections secretary,
the department faced intense scrutiny over arrests related to alleged
steroid abuse by guards, accusations of sexual assault and the arrest of
a former minor league baseball player who was allegedly hired only to
help a Florida prison employee softball team. In April 2005, a new
series of problems cropped up at the department, including a brawl that
broke out at a softball banquet in Tallahassee. Three DOC officials
faced charges related to the fight, although some charges have since
been dropped. Clark was one of those charged for the brawl, spurring his
resignation. Following Crosby's departure in February, Bush appointed
former state drug control director James McDonough as the new
corrections secretary. "I am confident he will continue implementing
corrective measures to ensure all personnel at the agency are held to
the highest standards," Bush said. Associated Press writers Brendan
Farrington and Brent Kallestad in Tallahassee contributed to this
report. June 8, 2006 Florida Times-Union
State and federal agents raided a Gainesville business Wednesday that
sells snacks and drinks to people who visit Florida prisons on the
weekends. Agents took paperwork and business documents from American
Institutional Services, said Jeff Westcott, an FBI spokesman in
Jacksonville. No arrests were made and the warrant has been sealed,
Westcott said. A wide-ranging investigation into the Department of
Corrections has been continuing for more than two years and helped lead
to the February ousting of DOC Secretary James Crosby. At the time, Gov.
Jeb Bush said it would become clear that letting go of Crosby, who has
not been charged, was the right thing to do. Interim DOC Secretary James
McDonough has said he's looking at several contracts, including the
canteen deal. Prominent Gainesville insurance agent Edward L. Dugger
started American Institutional Services (AIS) in June 2004, state
records show. About two weeks later, AIS had a deal with Keefe
Commissary Network to run the canteens on the weekends. According to the
deal, AIS gets a cut of the weekend sales for running the canteens.
Dugger was out of the office Wednesday afternoon and did not return a
message left there; nor did he return a message left at his home.
June 6, 2006 Palm Beach Post
A political committee using what critics call a loophole in campaign
finance laws is targeting likely Democratic voters by mail and telephone
to promote gubernatorial hopeful Rod Smith. The group, funded largely by
developers and a prison contractor who donated $30,000, is trying to
acquaint voters with the state senator, little known outside his North
Florida district, before the Sept. 5 primary. Floridians for Responsible
Government Inc., headed by an Orlando developer and close family friend
of Smith's, raised $90,000 in March and paid for the mailings and
automated phone calls, called "electioneering communications" under
state elections laws. As reported by The Palm Beach Post last week, the
group advocating for Smith was created in February by Orlando developer
Smith family friend Michael Spellman. The group raised $90,000 from
eight contributors by March 31, according to Internal Revenue Service
documents. The Boca Raton-based Sam W. Klein Trust gave $17,500, the
documents show. Klein is the owner of Palm Beach Aggregates, a mining
company, and a former executive of gambling equipment maker Bally
Technologies Inc. American Institutional Services Inc. made the largest
contribution — $30,000. State corrections officials said Monday that the
company subcontracts with Department of Corrections contractor Keefe
Commissary Network to run the prison's canteen services. Former
Department of Corrections Secretary James Crosby, who was forced to
resign this year, approved the no-bid Keefe contract, under which the
company pays the state to sell items such as candy and coffee to
inmates. Crosby's replacement, James McDonough, has said that he plans
to look into the contract, which has been amended several times without
justification, according to an auditor general report.
April 5, 2005 Palm Beach Post
Corrections officials Monday defended a contract for canteen services
that they say pays the state $7.2 million a year more than when the
state handled the service, despite criticism from lawmakers about how
the contract was awarded and why the state's earnings remained static
while the vendor's profit increased. In October 2003, the Department of
Corrections entered into a three-year, no-bid contract to have Keefe
Commissary Services take over the 240 canteens previously operated by
DOC staff and inmates. Keefe, which services 65 percent of the nation's
inmates in jails and prisons, agreed to pay the state 82 cents per
inmate per day to run the canteens, which sell items such as candy,
coffee and combs. In return, Keefe would be allowed to keep its profits
from the canteens, where each inmate's spending was limited to $65 a
week. But four months after signing the contract, DOC staff increased
the amount of money inmates can spend to $90 a week, an increase of 38
percent. The amount of money paid to the state did not increase.
"Obviously, it looked like a pretty sweetheart deal to me,"
said Rep. Susan Bucher, D-Royal Palm Beach, a member of the Joint
Legislative Auditing Committee now looking into the contract after an
auditor general investigation completed last fall. Sen.
Victor Crist, R-Tampa, speculated, "They underestimated their cost
of doing business and they needed to have some adjustments in order to
continue providing services." The Keefe contract was amended
three times in ways that "may increase DOC costs related to canteen
operations" without preparing a cost analysis or "other
written justification" before executing them, the auditor general
report found. The other changes gave Keefe proprietary ownership of the
hardware and software used in the canteens, reduced the supplies the
vendor was supposed to provide, and allowed Keefe to garnish inmate
employees' wages for inventory shortages incurred while the employee was
working in the canteen. In July 2004, the contract was changed to raise
the amount of money paid to the state to 82.7 cents per inmate.
Texas Legislature
July 28, 2006 Texas Observer
During 12 years in the Texas House, the legislative duties of Rep.
Ray Allen, a Grand Prairie Republican, have periodically
cross-pollinated his private business enterprises. So when this one-time
chair of the House Corrections Committee recently left the Legislature
to lobby, he seemed predestined to hustle for prison interests. Yet
destiny has its twists. This conservative, who amassed a dismal House
environmental record, is working closely with Austin environmental
activist Jeff Heckler. While Allen has yet to report any clients with
obvious prison ties, Heckler and Allen’s former chief of staff do lobby
for corrections-industry clients. Asked about his odd-fellow
relationship with Allen, Heckler says, “We’re not working on any
environmental stuff. We’re mostly working on corrections stuff.” Welcome
to the lobby, where nothing is as it seems. When Allen resigned in
January, he expressed frustration over trying to support himself while
working as a poorly paid lawmaker during yet another special session. “I
simply cannot afford to serve on a $600-a-month salary with no other
source of income,” he told the Fort Worth Star-Telegram. While candid
about his competing personal and legislative obligations, Allen—who now
reports lobby income of up to $485,000—has been sensitive to suggestions
that this juggling act created occasional conflicts. The Houston
Chronicle previously reported on Allen’s fortuitous timing in founding
Grand Prairie’s Academy for Firearms Training in 1995. This occurred
soon after two House panels that Allen chaired discharged legislation to
let Texans carry concealed guns—if they first obtained handgun-safety
training. Three years ago, the Observer and Texans for Public Justice
reported that Allen, who then chaired the House Corrections Committee,
was promoting a prison-privatization bill while he and his top aide
lobbied outside Texas for private prison interests. Allen responded that
his client, the National Correctional Industries Association (which
counted two major private prison companies among its many members),
promotes prison labor—not prison privatization. With this in mind, we
turn to the delicate matter of Allen’s latest ties to the prison lobby.
So far Allen has reported in public filings that eight clients are
paying him a total of between $230,000 and $485,000 this year (Texas
lobby incomes are reported in ranges). While none of Allen’s reported
clients boast obvious prison ties, at least one of them has a keen
interest in prison contracts. Allen also works closely with two
lobbyists who represent prison companies. One is Scott Gilmore, who
previously served as Allen’s legislative chief of staff and was also the
lawmaker’s lobby partner. The other is Heckler, the Austin activist.
Four of Heckler’s six lobby clients double as clients of Allen or
Gilmore. Meanwhile, Gilmore is under contract to the Solutions
Group—Heckler’s lobby firm. Gilmore left Allen’s office to form his SEG
Strategic Alliances lobbying firm in late 2004. Last year Gilmore
reported lobby income of up to $220,000 from six clients. Leading them
were clients from the industry that he and Allen recently oversaw.
Gilmore and Heckler both lobbied last year for AT&T Inmate Calling
Services and Atlantic Shores Healthcare—the mental-health subsidiary of
private prison giant GEO Group Inc., formerly known as Wackenhut
Corrections. Gilmore also has been representing the Keefe Group—the
nation’s leading supplier of prison commissaries. This year Gilmore
signed CentraCore Properties Trust, a for-profit investor in prisons.
Consider California-based Bottom Line Utility Solutions, which advises
clients on how to lower utility bills. Last year Bottom Line hired
Heckler and Gilmore as it promoted legislation to require Texas prisons
to install water-conservation devices (HB 2905). Approved by Allen and
the six other members of the Corrections Committee, the bill passed the
House too late in the session for Senate action. This year Bottom Line
hired a third Texas lobbyist: Ray Allen. Such revolving-door abuses
undermine public faith in elected officials and government—a cost that
is offset for Allen and Gilmore by the up to $100,000 that they will
receive from Bottom Line this year. While Allen’s old legislative
colleagues could crack down on revolving-door abuses, too many of them
already are looking ahead to lucrative future lobbying careers of their
own.
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