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Benson, Arizona
May 11, 2010 San Pedro Valley News-Sun
The Benson City Council was not persuaded on the idea of having a
detention center built to house illegal immigrants without more proof
that the federal government would pay for it. In a short discussion
Monday night, the council heard from James Parkey of Corplan
Corrections, headquartered in Texas. Corplan Corrections has proposed
building a detention center near the Benson Municipal Airport using a
$21 million bond the city would secure. Corplan said the bonds would be
retired from funds paid by federal agencies to house illegal immigrants
in the holding facility. But City Manager Glenn Nichols said he has
checked with numerous agencies such as Immigration Customs Enforcement,
U.S. Marshal's Service and U.S. Customs, and all stated they would only
use such a facility if there is a valid contract. With no contract in
place, Nichols recommended the council not proceed with plans to build
the facility. Parkey, who attended Monday's meeting, said there would be
no liability to the city, and Corplan Corrections is asking the city to
back the plan so they can "go to Washington and find a contract."
Councilman Al Sacco said the liability to the city is "our good name."
The first-term council member said he would not support such a proposal
ever. Parkey said with more illegal immigrants being apprehended by
authorities in Southern Arizona, this proposal is Benson's opportunity
to get ahead economically. Councilwoman Jo Deen Boncquet said the city
could secure bonds and use funding on projects more beneficial to the
city, noting that illegal immigration is a hot topic in Arizona right
now, and Benson should stay out of the business. Vice Mayor Toney King
said when he first heard the proposal in January, it sounded like a good
business venture for the city, but now, with so many questions
surrounding the project, the risks aren't worth it. Councilman John
Lodzinski said with too many unanswered questions it's better to "keep
my hand on the city wallet." Councilman David Lambert questioned the
deal, stating if it was such a good investment, why didn't the company
find sponsors or investors, instead of having the city secure the
required funding. Mayor Mark Fenn said at this time he agrees with
fellow council members, telling Parkey that Corplan should get the
federal contracts in writing before coming to cities with the proposal.
Councilwoman Lori McGoffin was not in attendance, and no action was
taken on the issue.
April 28, 2010 San Pedro Valley News-Sun
Allowing a private detention center to operate in Benson is not in
the city's best interest said Michelle Brane, the director of the
detention and asylum program for the Women's Refugee Commission. In
fact, Brane said private prisons like the proposed 200-bed facility are
"horrible for rural communities." Corplan Corrections, a Texas Company,
wants to build a 104,000-square-foot facility to house mostly women and
children who are in the country illegally. The company known for
building prisons and detention centers in the U.S., has promised the
city big payouts if they sponsor the $27 million bonds needed to pay for
the prison construction. Representatives of Corplan, including Toby
Michael and James Parkey, have told city officials and council members
that the bond is paid for through federal funding. Corplan Corrections
has already selected a 25-acre parcel that would hold the facility, that
they are calling a "Family Residential Center of the Southwest," near
Benson Municipal Airport. However, Brane said the promise of federal
funding is not a true statement. "I have spoken to the Department of
Homeland Security, and the Immigrations and Customs Enforcement because
if Corplan were to get funding, it would be from them," she said. "At
this point there are not any (request for proposals); there have been no
discussions with the federal government. Nothing is a sure thing and in
fact I would say highly doubtful." City Manager Glenn Nichols said city
staff has moved forward with investigating whether this would be a good
economic move for the city, and it will be discussed by the City Council
during the May 10 regular meeting. Nichols said the biggest concern
remains accountability. "We have seen nothing in writing from the
Department of Corrections that this would definitely be funded," he
said. The second concern is the city's liability if the bond were to go
into default. Corplan Corrections says there is no liability on the
city's part, but Nichols said they are not completely sure. Nonetheless,
the direction the city will take will depend on how the council votes on
May 10. Nichols said the council will be presented the information,
discuss it and vote to either move forward with the process or stop it.
Corplan Corrections has painted a picture of great economic promise if
Benson moves ahead with the project. In closed-door meetings with
council members, Corplan has promised a federally funded facility that
would house 500 women and children in the country illegally and would
create up to 150 jobs. The city has also been told they would get an
increased revenue stream of $218,000 a year. Similar facilities have
been proposed in New Mexico and Texas, and one became a failure in
Hardin, Mont., where the city signed off on $27 million in bonds in 2007
for a 200-bed facility. The facility was constructed, but to this day
sits empty with no federal grant funding or per diem fees as promised by
Corplan Corrections. Kim Hammond, mayor of Hardin, has warned cities
like Benson to tread lightly when considering the proposals brought
forth by private companies like Corplan.
March 9, 2010 San Pedro Valley News-Sun
While members of the Benson City Council have been given private
sessions to hear the sales pitch that might bring a detention center to
town, residents Monday night had to hear the news second hand. Mayor
Mark Fenn led the discussion, reciting a sales pitch he was given by
Corplan Corrections, a Texas company that wants to build a
104,000-square-foot facility to house mostly women and children who are
in the country illegally. Representatives of the project, Richard Reyes
of Innovative Government Strategies, and James Parkey and Toby Michael
of Corplan Corrections, did not attend the first public meeting
regarding the proposal. Following the company pitch, Fenn said it would
not be a detention center like the one proposed about six years ago when
residents vehemently opposed a 500-bed facility off State Route 80.
Instead, the facility, that could be built near the Benson Municipal
Airport off Ocotillo Road, is being called a "Family Residential Center
of the Southwest," a 25-acre project that would only house families and
children. Fenn said it would be the first facility of its kind. Fenn
said the center would be federally funded, but that is not really the
case. The center would be paid for with revenue bonds the city would
issue. The revenue from the federal per diem for residents would pay off
the bonds, as long as the center wins a contract from the federal
government. That is not guaranteed. The city would be responsible for
retiring the revenue bonds, whether or not they win the bid. This would
not be the first center of its kind. Parkey was involved in a similar
project in Hardin, Montana. That city signed off on $27 million in bonds
to fund the construction of a 200-bed center that was supposed to house
women and children awaiting asylum, deportation or court. The prison was
built in 2007, but remains empty to this day, and Hardin is now
responsible for the bonds that are now in default. According to
published reports, Parkey promised Hardin that Corplan Corrections would
take care of everything; there would be no liability and the town would
benefit economically because it would bring 150 high-paying jobs. In
Hardin, $27 million in bonds were secured. Benson will have to create a
corporation that would secure $21 million in revenue bonds to pay for
the prison construction. Corplan Corrections has promised the bonds will
be paid for by per diem fees that federal agencies will pay the private
corporation over the next 21 years, at which time Benson would assume
full ownership of the facility. Corplan Corrections has also looked at
other cities searching for a council willing to build the family
centers. In Las Cruces, N. M., city officials are still considering the
exact same facility after questions were raised in February. However,
approval may be harder to get now that a state senator has joined the
debate. Sen. Jeff Bingaman, who represents Las Cruces, questioned
whether or not the promise of federal funding is legitimate. The senator
told reporters he was unaware of any federal initiatives to fund such a
project, and if there were, the Department of Homeland Security would
first put such a project out to bid, instead of taking a "build it and
the money will come approach." Corplan Corrections pitched the same
project in Las Cruces it is now trying to sell in Benson, stressing that
it would not be a detention center. In a February public meeting in Las
Cruces, Toby Michael of Corplan said, "This is not a detention center.
It is an extended-stay center. We're not going to be housing criminals,
but for the fact that they are undocumented immigrants ... there will be
no bars, no cells, no razor wire on the fences. Residents will be housed
in a safe and secure environment." While Corplan Corrections contends
they are not proposing a detention center, residents of the facility
will be held against their will. Fenn and other council members said
they would proceed cautiously, noting they do have some concerns about
the company's reputation and how the financing would work. But, Fenn
told some weary residents in the audience that Benson could benefit from
such a facility. "I have a feeling if someone was presenting a similar
facility as a university with dorms, we would say great and would all
embrace it," he said. "I realize that the nature of the center is very
controversial. Do we as a city put our foot down and say as Americans we
don't support this? At some time there could be up to 150 well-paying
jobs. You have to balance all that. How much of our political opinion do
we interject into city business? I will go on record saying I don't
completely endorse this facility. The company may have a checkered
history and background and a lot of questions to answer on finances."
Fenn said if the facility isn't built in Benson, it will be built
somewhere else where another city could reap the economic benefits. The
council also defended their actions during the 25-minute discussions. In
a short speech to defend the elected board, Councilman David Lambert
said they have not gone behind the public's back in considering the
measure, but have attended several personal meetings with Corplan
Corrections. Lambert said no laws were broken in the meetings because
only three council members were present at a time, therefore a quorum
was never formed. Lambert did not say how many meetings council members
have had with the developers. Councilwoman Lori McGoffin excused herself
from the discussions entirely, citing a possible conflict of interest.
The second-term councilwoman said Corplan Corrections has contacted her
employer, the Medicine Shoppe, about providing pharmaceutical supplies
to the facility once it opens. After discussions, the council directed
city staff to continue researching the proposal. According to the
Corplan Corrections Web site, the for-profit Texas company specializes
in building detention centers for illegal immigrants, correctional
facilities and prisons.
Corplan,
Argyle, Texas
June 30, 2010 Arizona Silver Belt
Members of the Southern Gila County Economic Development Corporation
(SGCEDC) hosted an invitation-only luncheon banquet at the Dream Manor
Inn on Thursday, June 24, to further promote and rally support in favor
of having a 1,000-bed prison built on state land out by the County Fair
Grounds within Globe City limits. The luncheon cast the prison project
in a very positive light, stressing the economic impact it will have for
the communities of Southern Gila County. Opponents of the prison were
not invited to attend, however. The press was also excluded, but was
given admittance at the door with the request that no pictures be taken
and no questions be asked. Special guests included Arizona State Senator
Sylvia Allen and Arizona State Representative Bill Konopnicki, Gila
Community College Senior Dean Dr. Stephen Cullen and Dean Patricia
Burke, Globe Vice-Mayor Thea Wilshire, City Manager Kane Graves, county
supervisors Mike Pastor and Shirley Dawson, County Manager Don McDaniel,
Sheriff John Armer, and Emerald Companies Director of Business
Development Mike Moore, F.C. Cuny Corporation President Chris Cuny, and
Corplan Corrections President James Parkey. The meeting reiterated many
of the same points made in previous presentations at Globe City Council.
The main objective this time was to ask Allen and Konopnicki to make
their support of a private prison to be built in Southern Gila County
known at the state level. Allen was very receptive of the proposal after
watching a DVD put together by the EDC and hearing from the EDC board
members and city and county officials. Konopnicki was eager to hear how
the project would benefit the local economy and said he supported the
state building the prisons in rural areas throughout the state of
Arizona. He did ask for more information about qualified workforce
numbers as well as the exact per diem number. Konopnicki further
requested more information on the expansion possibility that was touched
on, with the option of increasing the facilities from a 1,000 to a
2,000-bed prison. He asked to have information sent to him in a summary
form. Thea Wilshire gave a presentation about the need to diversify the
local economy. Pastor commented on the need for expanded services to the
region. Finally, Mickie Nye spoke of how the prison will benefit local
families and businesses. Melissa Woodall concluded the presentation part
of the luncheon saying “We are only asking for 1,000 beds, only 20
percent of the total amount. That is not too much.” The three gentlemen
from the companies who build and operate the private prison ended with a
plea “Is there anything our team can do to help this project? Is that a
fair question?” On June 29, 2010, the Arizona Department of Corrections
media relations office reported that the decision regarding the private
prisons is still pending legal review and review of the technical
logistics suggested in each proposal. There is currently no set date for
the announcement.
June 9, 2010 Arizona Silver Belt
At two consecutive city council meetings in April, the Globe council
members heard from a group of men representing three corporations:
Emerald Correctional Management, Corplan and Cuny Corporation. These men
addressed the council regarding their desire to put in a bid with the
Arizona Department of Corrections to construct a private, 1,000-bed
prison in the City of Globe. The men presented estimates of economic
growth that sounded almost too good to be true. According to Mike Moore
of Emerald Corrections, “the city could get a monthly revenue check per
inmate per month but it would depend on the monthly per diem that the
state pays. It does pay and it’s a sizable number.” The group of
business men went on to say the entire project would be $60 to $100
million in construction, and the goal would be to hire local workforce
for 70 percent of the construction. They also promised to help the city
with expansion of the sewer infrastructure. The city council took two
hours to reach a decision, but in the end, a 4-2 vote in favor of
supporting Emerald Corrections’ bid to build the prison was approved. A
deal too good to be true? Well, there might be more than meets the eye.
Case Study: Hardin, Mon. In 2004, Mr. James Parkey of Corplan - the same
James Parkey who spoke to the Globe city council - proposed the
construction of a private prison in Hardin, Mon., a small rural city
suffering from economic stalemate. A team of experts spoke to the city
officials, selling them hope of economic prosperity through the private
prison business. The 450-bed prison was supposed to generate 150 secure
jobs and at least $100,000 in annual per-prisoner revenue. The companies
involved, Corplan as the developer, Cuny Corporation as the civil
engineer of the project, and Civigenics as the prison operators,
promised to realize the project from start to finish. To pay for the
prison, the city of Hardin would have to conduct a bond sale. Prior to
the construction, Parkey promised the city officials an economic
feasibility study, which was carried out by Howard Geisler, a consultant
specializing in prisons, and who had worked together with Parkey in a
number of other cities. The study presented facts and figures that a
Montana state auditor later described as providing “little methodology”
and lacking “historical data to support anticipated prisoner counts.”
The auditor went on the say the report made “a number of assumptions
made related to financial viability that appear to be unfounded.” The
prison was built, and the three companies involved received their
payments and Hardin prepared itself for its first prisoners. In this
case, however, they built it, but no one came. Hardin became so
desperate to get prisoners in their prison, that they requested taking
sex-offenders and later even Guantanamo Bay prisoners. Since the prison
had been built for less high profile inmates, with 24-bed cells,
Hardin’s requests were turned down. Hardin’s detention center never
received the expected prisoners and the city has been in bond default
for the last two years. A post on the detention center’s website reads,
“any person or parties interested in operating or leasing space in the
Hardin Detention Facility should contact...” “Do a lot of research” --
The pain is still throbbing in Hardin, Mon. After contacting the
executive director of economic development and the mayor, the only
comment given was “do a lot of research.” Hardin, Mon. is one of the
most prominent cases, where Corplan and its partners have left a city
with an empty prison. Corplan’s website lists a number of sample prisons
that they have built that are surviving. However, it does not list
Hardin. Neither are a number of other cases, where things ‘went wrong,’
including facilities in LaSalle County, Texas, Pioche, Nev., Lindsay,
Okla., McLennan County, Texas, Las Cruses, N.M., and St. Luis, Ariz. In
Willacy County, three county commissioners who were working very closely
together with Corplan were indicted on bribery charges. Parkey’s and
Corplan’s actions have caught attention in the media. Dan Rather
reported on a few cases, especially the prison in LaSalle, Texas. Frank
Smith, of the non-profit organization Private Corrections Working Group,
has been following Parkey and Corplan over the years. Smith warned that
the economic feasibility report must be read very closely and to expect
that there may be exaggerations or left out aspects. The economic
feasibility study “sells” the project more than examines it in some
cases. When asked why nothing has been done legally against Corplan,
Smith named a number of small factors that may be reasons why is some
cases nothing was done. In Globe’s case, Corplan, Emerald Corrections,
and Cuny Corporation have asked for support for a bid in response to a
request for proposals put out by the Arizona DOC. In Hardin, the three
partner corporations told the city that the prison operator, Civigenics,
would provide the service of having prisoners housed in the facility.
This could be a major difference in the success or failure of the
proposed Globe project. The Arizona DOC will be awarding the contracts
for the prisons by June 30, 2010.
April 28, 2010 San Pedro Valley News-Sun
Allowing a private detention center to operate in Benson is not in
the city's best interest said Michelle Brane, the director of the
detention and asylum program for the Women's Refugee Commission. In
fact, Brane said private prisons like the proposed 200-bed facility are
"horrible for rural communities." Corplan Corrections, a Texas Company,
wants to build a 104,000-square-foot facility to house mostly women and
children who are in the country illegally. The company known for
building prisons and detention centers in the U.S., has promised the
city big payouts if they sponsor the $27 million bonds needed to pay for
the prison construction. Representatives of Corplan, including Toby
Michael and James Parkey, have told city officials and council members
that the bond is paid for through federal funding. Corplan Corrections
has already selected a 25-acre parcel that would hold the facility, that
they are calling a "Family Residential Center of the Southwest," near
Benson Municipal Airport. However, Brane said the promise of federal
funding is not a true statement. "I have spoken to the Department of
Homeland Security, and the Immigrations and Customs Enforcement because
if Corplan were to get funding, it would be from them," she said. "At
this point there are not any (request for proposals); there have been no
discussions with the federal government. Nothing is a sure thing and in
fact I would say highly doubtful." City Manager Glenn Nichols said city
staff has moved forward with investigating whether this would be a good
economic move for the city, and it will be discussed by the City Council
during the May 10 regular meeting. Nichols said the biggest concern
remains accountability. "We have seen nothing in writing from the
Department of Corrections that this would definitely be funded," he
said. The second concern is the city's liability if the bond were to go
into default. Corplan Corrections says there is no liability on the
city's part, but Nichols said they are not completely sure. Nonetheless,
the direction the city will take will depend on how the council votes on
May 10. Nichols said the council will be presented the information,
discuss it and vote to either move forward with the process or stop it.
Corplan Corrections has painted a picture of great economic promise if
Benson moves ahead with the project. In closed-door meetings with
council members, Corplan has promised a federally funded facility that
would house 500 women and children in the country illegally and would
create up to 150 jobs. The city has also been told they would get an
increased revenue stream of $218,000 a year. Similar facilities have
been proposed in New Mexico and Texas, and one became a failure in
Hardin, Mont., where the city signed off on $27 million in bonds in 2007
for a 200-bed facility. The facility was constructed, but to this day
sits empty with no federal grant funding or per diem fees as promised by
Corplan Corrections. Kim Hammond, mayor of Hardin, has warned cities
like Benson to tread lightly when considering the proposals brought
forth by private companies like Corplan.
April 23, 2010 Texas Observer
State Rep. Eddie Lucio III, a Brownsville Democrat, is following in his
father's footsteps by joining forces with Corplan Corrections, a
scandal-plagued prison development company. Lucio is representing
Argyle, Texas-based Corplan Corrections in its bid to build an
immigration family detention center in Weslaco, a Rio Grande Valley town
that is in Rep. Lucio's district. State Sen. Eddie Lucio, Jr., also a
Democrat Brownsville, “consulted” for Corplan in 2003 and 2004. Corplan
and its CEO, James Parkey, specialize in selling desperate communities
on risky government-financed prisons with promises of jobs and economic
development. Typically, the company talks local governments into
financing speculative jail facilities and then leaves the community to
figure out how to keep them open. In recent years, Corplan has been at
the center of numerous controversies, including a bizarre
prison-building scheme in Hardin, Montana that involved a private
military force called American Police Force run by an ex-con. The prison
cost the small town $27 million but never housed any prisoners. In one
of his latest gambits, Parkey has approached city officials in several
towns across the U.S. – Benson, Arizona; Las Cruces, New Mexico; and
Weslaco, Texas – with a proposal to build a new detention center for
immigrant families. Parkey’s reputation, however, has caught up with him
in Las Cruces and Benson, where officials have nixed the deal. That’s
not the case in Weslaco. Weslaco Mayor Buddy de la Rosa told me that he
was first introduced to Parkey two or so years ago and the project has
been in the works ever since. Corplan, he said, is handling all the
details. The company recently brought Rep. Lucio on as an attorney for
the project. Weslaco is in Lucio’s district. In February, Lucio and
Parkey spoke to the Weslaco City Commission and urged the commissioners
to pass a resolution giving Corplan authorization to file a “grant
application” for the facility, according to minutes from the meeting.
(De la Rosa said he has not seen the application and doesn’t know to
whom it will be submitted.) It might be a lousy deal for the city – if
it's a deal at all. "James Parkey and Corplan are prison developers who
get paid when a prison is built," said Bob Libal, an anti-private prison
organizer with Grassroots Leadership. "It's not necessarily in their
interest to make sure the prison project is successful." The Weslaco
project is particularly fraught with risk, Libal says, because the Obama
administration has all but done away with detaining immigrant families.
In August 2009, federal officials removed immigrant families from the T.
Don Hutto Residential Center, a privately-operated jail near Taylor that
attracted international attention after advocates and detainees reported
inhumane conditions. The Obama administration has also let Bush-era
plans to add new family facilities expire, said Michelle Brane, director
of detention and asylum programs at the Women's Refugee Commission. “To
my knowledge – and I spoke specifically with Immigration and Customs
Enforcement about this – they insist they don’t have any requests for
proposal out there or any plans for building a new family detention
facility,” said Brane. “I think they’re being duped frankly.” Mayor de
la Rosa said that he wasn’t aware of the shift in federal policy but
said it may explain why he hasn’t heard from Parkey or Lucio recently.
“They have been remarkably quiet for the past several weeks,” he said.
Representing Corplan appears to be a Lucio family business. According to
Texas Ethics Commission filings, state Sen. Eddie Lucio, also a
Brownsville Democrat, worked as a “consultant” for Corplan in 2003 and
2004 at a time when the company was part of a consortium of private
prison interests seeking to build a 2,000-bed immigrant detention center
in Raymondville, the seat of Willacy County. (I did a feature story on
Raymondville's prison boom in 2006. You can read the whole gruesome
story here.) During that time, Lucio also represented other corporate
entities involved in the bid: prison construction company Hale-Mills,
prison operator Management and Training Corp., and Aguirre, Inc. Here's
what I wrote in 2006: The consortium needed a deal closer and found one
in state Sen. Eddie Lucio Jr. The Brownsville Democrat had worked as a
"consultant" for Corplan and Management & Training in 2003 and 2004,
according to records filed with the Texas Ethics Commission. He had
suspended his consulting work in 2005 in the aftermath of the bribery
scandal, but Hale-Mills hired him this year for the federal detention
center project. Lucio says Hale-Mills paid him "to figure out what kind
of impact this will have on the community, to talk to the general public
to see what their feel is." [Former Willacy County Attorney Juan] Guerra
alleges that Lucio made multiple appearances in Raymondville pressuring
the commissioners to select Management & Training over Corrections Corp.
"As far as I'm concerned, had it not been for Eddie Lucio the
commissioners would not have gone and put the county in a $60 million
debt," Guerra says. "In my opinion, in his position as a senator he let
our commissioners, including me, know where he stood... Once your
senator lets you know what he wants, it's hard to go against [him]." In
2005, Lucio ended his consulting work with Corplan after two Willacy
County commissioners pleaded guilty to accepting cash bribes in exchange
for their votes to award a contract for another Raymondville prison.
Amazingly, no one was ever indicted for supplying the bribe. Sen. Lucio
no longer appears to be working for Corplan, at least according to
personal financial disclosure statements for the last four years filed
with the Ethics Commission. Rep. Lucio’s involvement with Corplan is not
disclosed on his latest disclosure filing. The form was turned in on
February 16th, the same day Lucio appeared at the Weslaco City
Commission meeting. It's not clear why Corplan is not listed as a source
of occupational income. For some, the whole thing stinks. “I think that
raises some pretty serious questions especially when he’s presenting
false information to a local body that’s in his district,” said Libal.
“Does it break any law? I don’t know. Does it seem like a big conflict
of interest? Yes.”
Coryell County Jail, Gatesville, Texas
November 13, 2006 Killeen Daily Herald
A Willacy County official has a word of caution for the Coryell
County Commissioners' Court as it considers a private prison vendor as a
remedy for its overcrowded jail facility. "Have your sheriff talk to our
sheriff. He will let you know what kind of problems he is having," said
Juan Guerra, who pulls double duty as both county and district attorney
in Willacy County. Guerra said his county has struggled through criminal
investigations that saw two of its county commissioners convicted, and
it is also is in danger of defaulting on a bond payment because it
hasn't received enough federal prisoners to generate the needed revenue
to sustain the facility. Coryell County Commissioners are expected to
open a proposal from Innovative Government Strategies to construct and
operate a jail facility when they meet in regular session at 10 a.m.
Monday in the Coryell County Courthouse. According to the documents
turned in by Innovative Government Strategies, the proposed project team
includes James Parkey, with Corplan Corrections Inc., for developer,
Hale-Mills for construction company, Municipal Capital Markets Group for
financing, Deborah L. Williams for architecture and engineering and
CiviGenics-Texas Inc. for management and operations. Coryell County
Attorney Brandon Belt previously expressed concern about the proposed
operator, saying that CiviGenics had been at the center of controversy
recently. However, it is not just CiviGenics that has a troubled past.
The commissioners' consideration of the group comes just days after a
federal judge sentenced former Willacy County Commissioner Israel Tamez
to six months in jail for his role in a bribery scandal connected to a
$14.5 million prison project to construct a U.S. Marshals Service jail.
On Nov. 9, U.S. District Judge Andrew Hanen handed down the sentence and
also gave Tamez three years' probation and imposed a $25,000 fine. Tamez
and former Commissioner Jose Jimenez, who died of cancer before being
sentenced, pleaded guilty in January 2005 to taking more than $10,000 in
kickbacks, Guerra said. Former Webb County Commissioner David Cortez
also was involved in the scandal and was convicted in March 2005 of
funneling the bribes to the Willacy County commissioners in exchange for
their votes to hire a consultant in the prison project, Guerra said.
Cortez is scheduled to be sentenced Nov. 20. "My understanding was, as
far as implicating the company, it has not been implicated, but the
commissioners have been convicted," Guerra said. "Our records indicate
that when (Cortez) came before the commissioners when this happened four
years ago, he represented himself as a private consultant for Corplan."
In May 2005, Willacy County, on Guerra's instructions, filed a civil
suit against Corplan and Hale-Mills alleging that the two companies were
parties to the bribery. The suit later was dismissed, Guerra said.
Guerra said he could not say whether a federal investigation was still
pending, and U.S. District Court offices were closed Friday for the
federal holiday. Willacy County Sheriff Larry Spence could not be
reached either. Guerra said the lack of competitive bids when Willacy
was building its third federal facility – against his advice and despite
the criminal implications – was not only suspect, but something that
possibly lost Willacy County millions. "No one is checking to see if you
are getting your money's worth," he said. "Because we don't know if that
facility cost $50 million to construct." In fact, Guerra said according
to information he received from experts, the project, which was for a
facility to house Immigration and Customs Enforcement detainees, could
have been done for between $30 and $35 million. "The information that I
got, from experts that reviewed the expenses, says they could not
justify the $50 million. They padded the construction costs by an extra
$20 to $15 million," Guerra said. "What is funny you get commissioners
that are indicted for taking $10,000. I am just wondering who are the
real crooks?"
Hall
County Corrections, Hall, Nebraska
June 4, 2003
At the same time Hall County is trying to decide whether a new county jail
should be funded publicly or privately, Grand Island Area Economic Development
Corp. President Monty Montgomery is working for a private prison firm -- the
same firm he recommended to Hall County supervisors. "I have a debt
of honor to them," Montgomery said of Corplan Corrections of Argyle, Texas.
"I do it on my own time, and I don't do it on business time."
Montgomery first introduced Corplan Corrections to the Hall County Board of
Supervisors in 2001, after starting work as president of the Grand Island Area
Economic Development Corp. that July. That same year, he also arranged and
accompanied four supervisors on a tour of a 1,097-bed jail Corplan worked on in
Garza County, Texas, just southeast of Lubbock. Corplan worked on a
similar but smaller 548-bed jail in Haskell, Texas, where Montgomery was then
economic development director. Montgomery said it was that association
with Corplan officials, a more than four-year effort, that led to his "debt
of honor." Because Corplan worked with Haskell for no pay for four
years before the community finally settled on and constructed the privately
funded jail, Montgomery feels a need to return the commitment. "I'm
helping friends of mine," Montgomery said of why he represents Corplan
County supervisors most recently toured jails in Kansas and Iowa in pursuit of
construction and operational ideas. However, the county is awaiting an attorney
general's opinion on whether a private jail is even a legal option for the
county. Besides pitching Corplan Corrections to Hall County, Montgomery
has also represented the firm to Huron, S.D., which is considering a jail
there. (The Independent)
March 12, 2003
A dozen Hall county corrections staff members listened on Tuesday as the
spokesman of a national organization opposing private jails and prisons told the
Hall County Board of Supervisors why such facilities pose a threat to the
public, jail staff and inmates. "I think it hit the nail on the head," Hall County corrections Cpl. Tom Hansen said of the presentation.
"They are unsafe entity and are unsafe in your community," Brian Dawe,
executive director of Corrections USA, told the board about private jails.
In a passionate and well-rehearsed 20-minute presentation, Dawe cited studies
from the Federal Bureau of Prisons, the U.S. Marshals Service and academicians
detailing that private prisons cost more and have more escapes, riots and
assaults that publicly run jails. "Our concern is the operator -- are
we government employees or private company employees?" Hansen told The
Independent. "We're not about to jeopardize our homes and
property." (The Independent)
Smith County Jail,
Smith County, Texas
November 7, 2005 Tyler Morning
Telegraph
Smith County commissioners picked Lee Lewis Construction Inc. of
Lubbock, along with Dallas architects Wiginton Hooker Jeffry PC, with
which to enter into negotiations for the design and construction of a
new Smith County Jail. In Monday's meeting of the Smith County
Commissioners Court, Commissioner JoAnn Hampton explained that the three
private firms that responded to the recent Request for Proposals were
evaluated according to a specific set of criteria. The next highest was
Correctional Services Corporation, with a score of 55, she said.
Hale-Mills received 51 points. The court, with Gary's help, also looked
at the potential legal entanglements of each of the three firms, after
they were forced to reject an early RFP due to the legal troubles of
bidder CorPlan.
August
25, 2005 Tyler Morning Herald
If the instructions weren't explicit enough before, Smith County
officials say, they'll make it perfectly clear: The private firms
offering proposals to build a new jail complex must disclose all their
legal troubles immediately. Assistant District Attorney Michael Gary
will send a letter on Friday, he told attendees at a public hearing on
the jail that county commissioners held in Lindale on Thursday. Smith
County officials are wary of such lawsuits because in July, they threw
out a proposal by Corplan Corrections for a new facility after learning
of a growing scandal in Willacy County. Their vote was not based on the
bribery-related convictions of three county officials there, but on the
"contingent liability" of a lawsuit filed in May against
Corplan and Hale-Mills Construction by Willacy County. They wish to
avoid any more such surprises, they say. The private proposals were one
issue that emerged at the public hearing attended by more than two dozen
citizens at the county offices in Lindale. Sheriff J.B. Smith began the
hearing with a brief presentation on jail overcrowding, followed by
County Judge Becky Dempsey explaining what overcrowding is doing to the
county's finances.
August
24, 2005 Tyler Morning Telegraph
A general partner of Hale-Mills Construction says his firm's proposal to
build a criminal justice complex for Smith County is in full compliance
with the county's request for proposals, and that a lawsuit filed by
Willacy County alleging that his firm conspired to bribe officials there
will soon "dry up and blow away." Smith County commissioners
have expressed concern that not one of the five proposals submitted last
week included the disclosure about lawsuits and criminal charges that
they asked for in the request for proposals. And all five lead firms
have either sued or been sued over construction projects or jail
operations in that period. The merit of the lawsuits filed by or faced
by each of the companies is not the issue, county commissioners say;
it's that they didn't tell the county about the lawsuits when asked in
the RFPs. In July, Smith County threw out a
proposal by Corplan Corrections for a new facility after they learned of
a growing scandal in Willacy County. Their vote was not based on the
bribery-related convictions of three county officials there, but on the
"contingent liability" of a lawsuit filed in May against
Corplan and Hale-Mills by Willacy County. The lawsuit claims that
Corplan and Hale-Mills conspired to bribe county commissioners, to be
selected for a $14.5 million project.
June
27, 2005
It's no longer a choice between public and private, Smith County
officials say - it's a matter of combining the best of both to come up
with a workable solution to jail overcrowding. In Monday's jail
workshop session, county commissioners agreed in principle that a new
jail should be publicly financed, privately built and run by the county.
County Judge Becky Dempsey added, "It's more cost effective for us
to do our own financing." That's because generally,
government entities can borrow money more cheaply. Corplan, when
discussing financing the facility itself, cited an interest rate of
5.125 percent. Smith County, on the other hand, could get an interest
rate of 4.8 percent or less. Over the 20-year life of millions of
dollars worth of bonds, that extra point of interest would add up.
"Just a slight difference in interest rates over 20 years could
prove quite costly," Judge Dempsey said.
Two Rivers Detention Center,
Hardin, Montana
The Rainmakers Banking on private prisons in the fleecing of small-town America.
By Beau Hodai (Click here)
The Strange Fruit of Desperation: How con men and paranoiacs learned to love the
Hardin huskow.
By Beau Hodai
(Click
here)
PCI and Prison Legal News help uncover the background of APF
(Click
here)
Prison Legal News expose
(Click here)
June 23, 2010 Billings Gazette
Hardin’s economic development authority is patching broken pipes in
the city’s never-used Two Rivers Detention Center in hopes of finally
landing a contract for the 464-bed jail, the agency’s executive director
said Wednesday. Two Rivers Authority’s Jeff McDowell said pipes froze
and burst in about a dozen places when the heat was turned off
temporarily last winter. “Who wants to lease a facility that you can’t
flush the toilets?” McDowell said. “We’re trying to make it so if
someone does want to move in there, it’s essentially operational.”
McDowell said the first leaking pipes in the jail — discovered in
December — were connected to the fire sprinklers. Those were repaired
for about $5,000 in January, he said. More leaks were discovered in late
spring. Several have yet to be fixed, and McDowell said the combined
price tag for all the repairs would be about $8,000. The burst pipes
were confined to administrative areas of the jail and caused no major
damage to the 92,000-square foot structure, said Two Rivers Authority
acting president Albert Peterson. The plumbing problems are the latest
in a long sting of setbacks for the $27 million jail, which was
completed in 2007 and promoted as a means of jump-starting rural
Hardin’s struggling economy.
June 23, 2010 Independent Record
When Gov. Brian Schweitzer met recently with leaders of Hardin and the
city’s mothballed, 464-bed jail, he got an unexpected surprise: an
apology. “They said, ‘You didn’t create our problem and you didn’t add
to our problem,’” he said this week. ‘We are here to apologize.’ ”
Hardin Mayor Kim Hammond and Jeff McDowell, executive director of
Hardin’s Two Rivers Authority, which owns the jail, offered their olive
branch at a face-to-face meeting on June 12 in Billings. The Hardin
leaders requested the sit-down. A little more than two years ago, Hardin
officials hosted a rally in the Montana Capitol with a busload of school
children accusing Schweitzer of trying to quash their plans to fill the
jail with out-of-jurisdiction inmates. Some students carried signs
reading “We’ve Been Schweitzerized. Was It As Good For You Governor As
It Was For Us?” Hardin’s economic development arm built the jail as a
way of drumming up jobs for the economically hard-pressed area. Hardin
has no need of a jail. The city has no police force and anyone picked up
in the city limits is housed in the Big Horn County Jail. Town officials
built the jail with no contracts in place to fill its 464 beds. Two
Rivers has since defaulted on the $27 million in revenue bonds sold to
build it. The jail has never opened. The jail’s recent history has been
a curious one. Last March, town officials voted to offer the empty jail
as a place to house terrorism detainees from Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.
Federal officials nixed that idea. Last September, an ex-con and Serbian
immigrant going by the title “Captain” Mike Hilton cut a deal with city
leaders saying he would run the jail, build a paramilitary training
facility next door and even deliver food to Hardin’s hungry. Hilton and
his company, American Private Police Force, were later exposed as
phonies. Since then, Hardin has elected a new mayor and the Two Rivers
Authority has a new leader. Neither would return calls to Lee Newspapers
seeking comment about their apology to the governor. Schweitzer had
earlier looked into a plan to use the building to house Bureau of Indian
Affairs inmates. He said in a recent interview that he wasn’t sure he
could re-start those negotiations. But he did offer to help. “I said I
would help them brainstorm,” he said.
March 15, 2010 AP
The leader of the Crow Tribe said Monday the southeastern Montana tribe
is considering buying or leasing a long-vacant jail just outside the
reservation. The proposal to take over Hardin's Two Rivers Detention
Center remains in the planning stages, but Crow Chairman Cedric Black
said talks are under way between the tribe and city representatives. One
potential use for the dormant, 464-bed facility would be to remake it
into a drug and alcohol treatment center. Black Eagle said that was just
one of several options on the table. In recent years, the jail has been
at the heart of a running feud between Hardin and state corrections
officials who say the facility is not needed. With no inmate contracts
despite years of aggressive marketing of the jail, the $27 million
economic development project has turned into an embarrassment for rural
Hardin - and a potential financial liability. City officials two years
ago rejected an earlier takeover proposal offered by the Crow. The city
saw that plan as a stealth attempt to annex part of Hardin, which is
about 45 miles east of Billings. In 2008, the jail went into default on
its bond payments. And last year, it was targeted by a California con
artist, Michael Hilton, who convinced the city he was backed by
investors eager to build a military training facility on the site.
Hilton's scam fell apart amid revelations about his criminal history,
and since then the city has been increasingly desperate to find inmates.
January 11, 2010 KULR 8
A Texas appraiser spent the day at the Hardin Jail in an attempt to
determine what the facility is worth. Board members with Two Rivers
Authority said the appraisal is required to get insurance on the
facility. Ben Boothe, an independent inspector from Texas traveled to
Montana to do the appraisal. Boothe has previously worked with Corplan
Corrections, the group that brought the jail to Hardin. He was suggested
to the TRA board because of his experience with facilities like the
Hardin Jail. He will be reimbursed for his travel expenses and paid
$5,000 dollars. TRA officials expect the results by the end of February.
The $27 million dollar jail was built in 2006 and paid for with private
revenue bonds.
November 17, 2009 KULR 8
An apparent disconnect between state and local government could be a
leading factor in the ongoing struggle to fill the Hardin Detention
Center, along with a misleading feasibility study. The $27-million
dollar Two Rivers Detention Center in Hardin was completed in September
2007 to the surprise of many state officials. Two Rivers Authority's
website says in June 2004, then-Governor Judy Martz held the first
meeting in regard to the Hardin jail at a Las Vegas airport with several
people including the jail's architect James Parkey with Corplan
Corrections. However, Martz said she barely remembers the meeting and
that it was a non-specific business pitch that she was not interested
in. "My administration had not one thing to do with this prison," said
Martz. "We never okayed anything, that would've been something that
would've had to go through the legislature. So, we had nothing to do
with it period." Martz's Corrections Director Bill Slaughter said he was
surprised to see Hardin moving forward with the detention center without
contracts from any federal, state or local agency. "They really started
construction without a population identified to go in there," said
Slaughter. Montana law gives communities some flexibility for building a
detention center. TRA board members chose a route that does not include
the state's involvement. It consists of using local government statutes
to build a jail. A consortium of out-of-state companies designed and
built the jail and provided a private funding plan. The architect,
Corplan Corrections, used a design approved by the American Correctional
Association. "ACA has their own design requirements and it (the Hardin
jail) meets those design requirements," said Paul Green, former
executive director of TRA. "so, where's the hiccup?" The attorney for
the Montana Department of Corrections said the state has its own
requirements that the Hardin jail does not meet. "The department of
corrections doesn't house, if any inmates, in a jail. We house our
prisoners in prisons and this is not a prison and that's one of the
reasons we're reluctant to put our prisoners in there," said Diana Koch,
chief legal counsel for the Department of Corrections. When asked if she
believed that the jail could rectify that, Koch said, "No there's not
because of the way it was built." State Senator Steve Gallus, who
co-chairs the state Corrections Advisory Council, said it would have
turned out much differently if the people who built the Hardin jail
followed the Private Prison Citing Act. "Their facility would be, in my
opinion, open and have inmates and employees and it would be a benefit
to the people of Hardin," said Gallus. The consortium of companies who
built the jail provided a feasibility study for the project. It was paid
for by the bond underwriter for the project, Municipal Capital Markets
Group. The 40-page document states several times that the Montana
Department of Corrections is the primary focus as a potential user for
the jail. "There were some things promised to Hardin I think, but those
people who promised them are no longer on the scene. So, now what,"
questioned Bill Joseph, TRA board member. You keep moving forward said
Joseph and keep looking to land a contract to fill the jail. "You know
when Noah started building the ark, somebody said it isn't going to rain
and he said well I'm committed now, and we're committed. We've got the
ark, and now we just got to wait for rain," said Joseph. TRA board
members said they are currently pursuing several leads to bring
prisoners to the jail. The Hardin jail was paid for with $27 million
dollars of private investments.
October 18, 2009 Billings Gazette
When American Police Force pulled the plug on a deal that could have
given it control over Hardin's empty jail, Gov. Brian Schweitzer said
Hardin city officials "have been duped by con artists over and over and
over and over again." He's not the only person who believes that. The
story of Michael Hilton - the shadowy founder of APF whose documented
propensity for fraud fed the impression that he was trying to pull a
scam on the city of Hardin - has been told by newspapers and other media
all over the country in recent weeks. Less talked about is the
possibility the governor was referring to - that the original scam may
have been perpetrated by the consortium of companies that talked Hardin
into building the detention center in the first place. "Hardin was a
cookie cutter deal," municipal bond expert Christopher "Kit" Taylor said
- the same basic proposal pitched by the same group of companies to
dozens of communities, mostly in Texas but in other parts of the country
as well, that were looking for economic development. But at least most
of the other prisons built on speculation eventually had some inmates
and were making money, if not as much as promised by the groups who
developed them, Taylor said. "The problems aren't as extensive as they
are in Hardin because in Hardin they have no prisoners," he said. Though
the Texas consortium behind the Hardin prison still has defenders, there
were warning signs that it was promising more than it could deliver.
Flaws seen in study -- In November 2007, two months after the jail was
completed, a report from the state's Legislative Audit Division called
into question the feasibility study that helped convince Hardin
officials that there would be a need for the 464-bed facility. "There
are a number of assumptions made related to financial viability that
appear to be unfounded," the report said, and flaws in the data and
methodology made it impossible for local officials to "validate the
analysis with any confidence." The feasibility study was conducted by
GSA Ltd. of Durham, N.C., a company that had performed similar studies
for similar prison projects involving the same group of developers.
"When I saw it was the same set of players, I said, 'They're all in bed
together.' GSA doesn't get paid unless another prison's built," Taylor
said. Taylor was executive director of the Municipal Securities
Rulemaking Board from 1978 to 2007. The board was created by Congress in
1975 to write rules regulating the behavior of dealers in the municipal
securities market. In Hardin and elsewhere, Taylor said, private-prison
consortiums pitch their deals as risk-free economic development
projects. They are touted as being risk-free because they are funded by
tax-exempt revenue bonds that can be repaid only by money earned on the
projects, not by taxing local residents. Project revenue bonds, as they
are known, were traditionally used by local governments to fund the
construction of things like sewer and water systems, projects for which
there was an obvious public need. And the bonds could be paid back by a
virtually guaranteed revenue stream - the fees paid by property owners
who had to have the services. Kevin Pranis, an analyst for New
York-based Justice Strategies, wrote about the use of such bonds to
finance correctional facilities in "Prison Profiteers," an anthology of
criminal-justice pieces published by Prison Legal News. Pranis said bond
investors have to rely on the opinion of bond issuers "who have a stake
in making prison bonds looks as safe as possible." While bond documents
like the one issued for the Hardin project are full of information about
how quickly prison populations have grown in recent years, they "contain
little or no information about sentencing and correctional policy
reforms, shifts in public opinion or other trends that would weaken the
case for new prisons," Pranis wrote. The bonds are sold -- To build the
Hardin jail, the Two Rivers Port Authority, an economic development
agency created in 2004 by the Hardin City Council, issued $27 million
worth of revenue bonds. That was in 2006, several months after the
Texas-based consortium that originally pitched the deal submitted the
only design and construction bid advertised for by the city of Hardin.
The deal was brokered by James Parkey, owner of Corplan Corrections in
Argyle, Texas, who specializes in the design and development of prisons
as economic development tools. The bonds were sold by Herbert J. Sims
and Co. and Municipal Capital Markets Group. For their services, Sims
and Municipal Capital collected $1.6 million in underwriters' fees.
Dealing in prison-related bonds has been a lucrative business for
Municipal Capital. Texas Monthly magazine reported in 2006 that the
company had earned $5.4 million by financing $92 million in project
revenue bonds to build three jails in a single Texas county, Willacy
County. The Hardin construction contract went to Hale-Mills Construction
of Houston, which was paid $19.8 million. The facility was to be run by
CiviGenics-Texas. Corplan has put together similar deals, many involving
Municipal Capital Markets and Hale-Mills Construction, but sometimes
with different operators. When Parkey first pitched the idea to Hardin,
Emerald Cos., another big player in the corrections industry, was named
as the prospective operator. Schweitzer said the common denominator in
all the projects is that "rainmakers" go into small towns and counties
with high unemployment rates and present complete packages, offering to
take care of design work, bond sales, construction and operation. In
theory, all the governmental entity has to do is issue the bonds in its
name and then sit back and collect the revenues. Taylor said problems
arise because the companies make their money regardless of whether the
prison ever gets enough inmates or is opened at all. "That's true of the
bond lawyers, it's true of the underwriters, it's true of the
feasibility study," he said. Taylor said the municipal bond market is
even more lightly regulated than the general bond market. Virtually the
only rule is that bond issues have to be accompanied by an official
statement, and the statement "can't be knowingly false and misleading.
Those are the only requirements today," he said. "That is nowhere near
what is required in the corporate area." Schweitzer also said Hardin
officials should have known that Parkey and his company, Corplan
Corrections, "had a shaky reputation." In 2006, a consultant doing work
for Corplan was convicted of funneling bribes to two county
commissioners in Texas in connection with development of a detention
facility there. The two commissioners were also convicted on bribery
charges. Parkey, who did not return phone calls seeking comment, has
previously said he had nothing to do with the criminal activities.
Parkey defended -- One of Parkey's defenders is Paul Green, who was the
economic development director for the city of Hardin in 2004, when
Parkey first pitched the prison idea. Green said he visited three or
four towns in Texas and Arizona that had prisons developed by Parkey and
his associates, and in each case local authorities had nothing but
praise for Parkey and the prisons he helped build. Parkey was also known
for staying involved in projects for years, something he wouldn't have
done if short-term gain were his only goal, Green said. As late as last
month, two years after the Hardin prison was built, Parkey was still
involved in that project. After Greg Smith was suspended as director of
Two Rivers Authority, Parkey personally asked Green if he would meet
with APF frontman Michael Hilton, which Green did. Green said he came
away from the encounter convinced that Hilton didn't have the
wherewithal to make good on his grandiose promises to Hardin, but he was
still impressed by Parkey's evident concern for Hardin. "That's why I
have a high regard for James," he said. Willacy County, Texas, Sheriff
Larry Spence has also been generally happy with the way things turned
out in his county. He said he was on the "public facility corporation" -
similar to Two Rivers Authority, established as the bond-issuing entity
- when Corplan helped develop a county jail and detention facility for
the U.S. Marshals Service in the county. Both of those facilities are
doing well and are paying the revenue bonds off on schedule, he said.
Spence said the latest project - a 1,000-bed detention center built with
the idea of temporarily detaining illegal immigrants caught along the
nearby Mexican border - has been doing less well. It filled up initially
and was quickly expanded to 3,000 beds, Spence said, but lately its
inmate population has been hovering at around 1,000 and may be in
trouble. He said he wasn't involved in that project directly. In
Hudspeth County, Texas, County Judge Becky Dean-Walker also expressed
satisfaction with the $23.5 million West Texas Detention Facility, built
by the same consortium. There was trouble finding enough prisoners at
first, she said, but the facility added 500 beds last year. "To me
that's just a business," she said. "They've been very good for Hudspeth
County." Taylor, the bond expert, said the problem in some areas has not
been a lack of prisoners but unanticipated costs associated with the
facilities. Some of the Texas prisons have been built in sparsely
populated counties with little infrastructure in place, and building a
prison requires them to install expensive water and sewer lines, on the
taxpayer's dime. In other cases, cities and counties have had to hire
more police or sheriff's deputies to handle big increases in traffic,
and in counties nearly all the prison workers end up being commuters
coming from many miles way. "The upshot was, they barely got any money
from the operation of the prisons," he said. It started in Billings --
One thing often overlooked in all the attention focused on Hardin is
that the Texas consortium originally had its eye on Billings. On the Two
Rivers Authority Web site, a timeline said the project's origins go back
to June 2004, when Parkey and one of his associates met with then-Gov.
Judy Martz at the airport in Las Vegas, as she was on her way to the
Western Governors' Association annual meeting in New Mexico. It isn't
clear who arranged that meeting, but Parkey came to Billings the
following month at the invitation of the Montana Department of Commerce.
Among those present at a gathering hosted by the Big Sky Economic
Development Authority were people from Hale-Mills Construction and
Emerald Cos., the proposed operator, and Mike Harling, an executive vice
president of Municipal Capital Markets Group. The list of other
attendees makes it clear how important the proposal was and how
seriously it was being taken. All three Yellowstone County commissioners
were there, along with the chief of police, the sheriff, the mayor, city
officials, three representatives of the Department of Corrections and
staff people representing all three members of Montana's congressional
delegation. In a packet of information addressed to Martz, Corplan laid
out its proposal for a 500-bed adult detention center to be built in
Billings. It was described as a "turnkey" operation that would be
completed in 12 months and turned over to local officials. Corplan told
of having designed and built 33 correctional facilities in five states.
Green, the economic developer from Hardin and a former employee of the
Big Sky EDA, was also invited to the meeting. He said Billings officials
clearly had no interest in a prison. But in Hardin, people were still
kicking themselves for having failed to make a bid for the private
prison that ended up being built in Shelby. Green and Parkey started
talking that day about the possibility of taking the Billings prison
concept and moving it 50 miles southeast, to the struggling town of
Hardin Parkey and his associates found a much warmer welcome there.
October 15, 2009 KULR 8
Billings could have been the site of a private detention facility
just like the one in Hardin. A KULR-8 News investigation found that the
city of Billings was the first place where the facility was pitched. In
the summer of 2004 Corplan Corrections out of Texas proposed a 500-bed,
secure, adult detention facility to Yellowstone County and the city of
Billings. In the Statement of Qualifications, or a several-page proposal
presented to then-Governor Judy Martz on June 28, 2004, the pre-packaged
group of companies laid out its plan. The team behind the project
consisted of Corplan Corrections for management, design and engineering,
Hale-Mills for construction, Eversole-Williams Architecture, Municipal
Capital Markets Group for financing, and Emerald Correctional Management
to operate the facility. In another document obtained from the Big Sky
Economic Development Authority, the team said the $25-million facility
would be financed by revenue bonds purchased by private investors, and
that after 22 years the sponsor would own the facility. Yellowstone
County Commissioner Jim Reno said they and the city immediately passed
on the proposal. "It just didn't make financial sense," said Reno. "It
sounded too good to be true, but it just never penciled out for us."
Yellowstone County Sheriff Jay Bell, then undersheriff, said he and
former Sheriff Chuck Maxwell stated that they would not use such a
facility. "We wouldn't have a real interest in it because of the expense
that it would cost the tax payer of Yellowstone County," said Bell. "Our
theory is that it's always cheaper to stay at home rather than in a
motel." The proposal from Corplan Corrections was referred to the city
of Hardin. The founder of the city's economic development branch, Two
Rivers Authority, remembers being put into contact with James Parkey
that same year. "When I talked to them they talked about how people that
were working in the facility would get insurance, that they would get an
education and they would work around the farmer's and rancher's
schedules and I was like that's beautiful, that's fantastic because
that's the hardest thing for new, young ag people to do is to find a way
to insure their families," said Paul Green. In June of 2006 Two Rivers
Authority broke ground on the detention facility paid for through
revenue bonds. It promised to create jobs and heavy revenue for the
city. However, it has sat empty since completion two years ago.
Commissioner Reno said they also passed on the project because of a lack
of commitment to use such a facility from the Montana Department of
Corrections. Commissioner Reno said it is not unusual for Yellowstone
County to receive a couple calls a year from groups wanting to build a
private prison in the region. He said they prefer to keep correction
institutions county-owned and operated.
October 12, 2009 TPM Muckraker
With the unraveling of the deal for the shadowy American Private Police
Force to take over and populate an empty jail in Hardin, Montana, it's
pretty clear that the small city got played by an ex-con and his
(supposed) private security firm. But an investigation by TPMmuckraker
into how Hardin ended up with the 92,000 square foot facility in the
first place suggests that, long before "low-level card shark" Michael
Hilton ever came to town, Hardin officials had already been taken for a
ride by a far more powerful set of players: a well-organized consortium
of private companies headquartered around the country, which specializes
in pitching speculative and risky prison projects to local governments
desperate for jobs. The projects have generated multi-million dollar
profits for the companies involved, but often haven't created the
anticipated payoff for the communities, and have left a string of failed
or failing prisons in their wake. "They look for an impoverished town
that's desperate," says Frank Smith of the Private Corrections
Institute, a Florida-based group that opposes prison privatization.
"They come in looking very impressive, saying, 'We'll make money rain
from the skies.' In fact, they don't care whether it works or not." The
Pitch -- In June 2004, James Parkey, a Texas-based prison developer and
architect, met at the Las Vegas airport with Judy Martz, who at the time
was the Republican governor of Montana. Described by the Texas Observer
as a "polished salesman" for the booming private prison industry, Parkey
presents himself on his Web site as a beneficent savior for local
communities hit hard by the decline of the manufacturing sector. Parkey,
who runs a company called Corplan Corrections, was seeking to sell Martz
on a prison project for her state. His method is to promise a
full-service team to handle the entire project from soup to nuts -- what
one source described as a "turn-key system." That team includes a
construction firm to build the prison, a prison operator to work with
local officials to find prisoners, then run the facility, underwriters
to sell the bonds, and even a consultant to do an economic feasibility
study. "They walk into a municipality and say, you don't have to do a
thing, we'll take care of everything," Christopher "Kit" Taylor, a
municipal bond expert who has followed Parkey's operation, told
TPMmuckraker. State officials eventually referred Parkey to the city of
Billlings. From there, he was directed 50 miles east, to rural Hardin --
where he found a receptive audience. Parkey promised the town's brass
that his team would take care of everything. The project would generate
150 solid jobs. The prison operator in Parkey's team pledged to pay the
town a business license fee and at least $100,000 in annual per-prisoner
fees. To officials in a county whose poverty rate is double the national
average, that seemed like too good an opportunity to turn down. Big Pay
Day -- For Parkey and his crew, the deal soon paid off. The prison's
designer and builder, Hale-Mills Construction of Houston, was guaranteed
a maximum price of $19.88 million, according to the official bond
statement obtained by TPMmuckraker. The exact amount the firm ultimately
received isn't known. And Hardin's $27 million municipal bond sale,
conducted in 2006, netted the underwriters -- a pair of companies called
Herbert J. Sims, of Connecticut, and Municipal Capital Markets Group (MCM),
of Dallas -- a total of $1.62 million. Other players recruited by Parkey
-- lawyers, surveyors, and the North Carolina-based consultant who
conducted the feasibility study -- reaped $169,750. It's not known how
big a cut Parkey took, and he didn't respond to calls for comment.
Hardin itself didn't make out nearly so well. Not a single inmate has
ever slept in the jail, and the town hasn't seen a cent of revenue from
the project. The bonds, which were to be paid back through the
anticipated -- but non-existent -- revenue, have gone into default. The
prison "was built on spec," says Taylor, the muni bond expert, who has
looked at the Hardin deal. "[The consortium's] whole premise was hell,
we don't care what happens to the bonds." That's left Hardin with an
empty jail that it so desperately wanted to fill that it begged first
for sex offenders from the state, then for Gitmo inmates from the Feds,
and, finally, for some kind of salvation from the American Private
Police Force. A Compromised Consultant? -- Central to Hardin official's
expectations for the deal was the feasibility study that Parkey's team
conducted, which concluded that the project was all but certain to pay
off. But that study appears to have been not only deeply flawed, but
essentially rigged from the start. A Montana state auditor found in a
2007 memo that the study -- carried out by Howard Geisler, a North
Carolina feasibility consultant specializing in prisons -- was racked
with problems. It provides "little methodology" regarding its estimates
of potential prisoners for the jail. It lacks "historical data to
support anticipated prisoner counts." And it makes "a number of
assumptions made related to financial viability that appear to be
unfounded," including "potential improvements to local aviation
facilities." In addition, Geisler's study failed to mention that
bringing in out-of-state prisoners is potentially illegal under Montana
law -- even though that idea was held up as a key method for recruiting
prisoners. The state's attorney general challenged Hardin over the
provision, and though a judge ultimately sided with the town, it was
only after a year of legal wrangling. Perhaps those flaws aren't
surprising. The study was paid for by one of the underwriters, MCM,
which had worked frequently with Geisler in the past. A truly
independent feasibility study, says Taylor, the muni bond expert, would
involve multiple firms making bids to do the job for the city. Geisler
was clearly aware while writing the study of the conflict of interest
inherent in the set-up. On one page, he notes in bolded text that, "to
assure independence," his fee "is not contingent upon the sale of the
Bonds." But Taylor calls that "a smokescreen." "[The passage] is trying
to give a sense of legitimacy to the deal, when that's not the case at
all," he told TPMmuckraker. Indeed, the study was in fact the third such
report produced on the subject -- and the second by Geisler -- over a
two-year period, according to a Montana source close to the process. The
first two studies -- the other of which was done internally by Hardin --
came to ambiguous conclusions as to whether the project would succeed.
After the first two reports, says the source, "the MCM people had [Geisler]
come back and do another. That's when they decided it made sense to go
forward." To this day, some local officials defend the study, arguing
that it's easy to criticize with the benefit of hindsight. Dan Kern,
Hardin's economic development director in late 2005 and early 2006, told
TPMmuckraker he's not sure why support for the project evaporated after
the jail was built. "Everybody told me that this was a great project and
there was a need for it," he said. But Taylor says if the official bond
statement, which includes the feasibility study, was false or
misleading, the bond players have legal liability. Beyond Hardin -- It
looks like Hardin isn't the only place where the the lavish promises of
Parkey's consortium failed to pan out. The Montana state auditor's memo
notes that, in three separate jail deals with Texas counties, pushed
through by Parkey's team, "current revenues are insufficient to cover
operating and debt expenses." And in 2005, three Texas county
commissioners were convicted on bribery charges in connection to one of
those Parkey-led projects. As in Hardin, MCM acted as the underwriter,
and Hale-Mills handled construction. All of the companies in the
consortium either declined to comment for this story or did not return
calls and e-mails.
October 9, 2009 KULR
In June of 2006 Two Rivers Authority began constructing the 464-bed
detention facility in Hardin. James Parkey, who is the president of
Corplan Corrections in Argyle, Texas is the jail's architect. KULR-8
spoke with Juan Guerra who is the former district attorney for Willacy
County, Texas. Guerra said he investigated Corplan in 2001 and 2002 on
possible corruption in connection with a private prison being
constructed in that county. Guerra said his investigation resulted in
the convictions of four people; the county auditor, two commissioners,
and a man Guerra said was a consultant for Corplan who Guerra said plead
guilty to giving the commissioners money so that they would award the
contract to build the jail to Corplan. Parkey was not charged with any
wrongdoing in the case, but Guerra has a strong opinion about his
business. "He puts packages together and goes around to different areas
across the country. He used to only be in Texas, now they are all over
the country, using the same routine. What they do is promise all sorts
of things. There are millions of dollars in bonds, revenue bonds and
then they go into default. They make their money upfront and within a
month they are out of there. They're not there to make sure this thing
runs," said Guerra. Parkey was seen touring the Hardin facility last
month when Two Rivers Authority was in contract talks to lease the jail
to the California-based firm American Private Police Force, or APF. Al
Peterson, TRA vice president, said Parkey was in Hardin strictly because
of his intimate knowledge of the facility. Parkey was said to be present
at a meeting between TRA and APF in early September in California. When
KULR-8 called Parkey at his home/business office in Argyle,Texas to find
out what if any his current involvement is with the Hardin Jail and to
discuss Guerra's claims we were told that he was on a trip for two
weeks. Officials with a Corplan constructed jail in Bailey County Texas
said it took them a year to get prisoners, but they are happy with the
facility. Juan Guerra is now in private practice in Texas with a focus
on private prisons. He said it is a multi-billion dollar industry
riddled with problems. Two Rivers and CiviGenics contracted to operate
the jail in the beginning. Community Education Centers, Inc. aquired
CiviGenics in June of 2007. Peter Argeropulos, senior vice president for
business development could not be reached for comment on the issue
involving the Hardin Jail. KULR-8 was told he was on vacation. However,
a spokesperson for CEC said the company currently has no involvement
with the facility.
March 2, 2008 Helena Independent Record
A new, empty jail built to bring jobs and prisoners to Hardin might not be able
to open and pay its bills on time, even if it wins the only state corrections
contract now under consideration. Backers for the jail, however, said this week
they’re still very interested in the contract and plan to pursue it, along with
other prisoner pools, to get the jail up and running. The Two Rivers Detention
Center, a 464-bed jail built by the economic development arm of the city of
Hardin and a consortium of private out-of-state companies, needs about 250
inmates to make enough money to open its doors and begin to repay the $27
million in bonds sold to build it. The first payment on the debt is due on May
10, said Michael Harling, the Texas investment banker behind the project. If the
jail, which was completed late last summer but has never opened and has no
contracts to house inmates, misses that payment, it will be in default on its
bonds. The jail’s financing package includes a fund to cover bills while
investors deal with default, he said. That money is expected to run out in May
2009. But representatives of the state Department of Corrections said last week
that the only state corrections contract currently considered is for 116 sex
offenders not 250 inmates. What’s more, they said, the agency hopes to have the
contract filled by April 1, 2009, but it could be as late as July 1 — two months
after the Hardin jail would need to be generating revenue to stave off financial
crisis. July, Harling said, “is too late.” The jail must have some revenue
stream before then in order to remain a going concern. The fact that the sex
offender contract is for 134 fewer inmates than the center anticipated it needed
to open doesn’t mean the facility can’t make ends meet with the contract, should
it win the bid, said Greg Smith, executive director of the Two Rivers Authority.
“It would probably be feasible to do it with less,” he said, because the sex
offender contract would likely include treatment and other more expensive
services than the mostly custodial care of ordinary inmates. “We’re extremely
interested,” Smith said. However, he said the authority is cautious because the
contract has not yet been issued and has been pushed back several times.
Additionally, Smith said he worries the contract might be written to favor the
three nonprofit correctional contracting companies in the state that typically
win state correctional contracts. Backers for the jail say the lockdown was
built on the expectation that the state would house inmates there. But state
officials say they never had such an understanding and don’t need the jail
space. The jail was built with no state contract in place. Bob Anez, a spokesman
for the Department of Corrections, said that Two Rivers has never invited
Corrections officials to the facility and no one from the agency has ever been
inside. The Hardin jail then turned to out-of-state inmates as a source of
money, but Attorney General Mike McGrath ruled last year that such a thing is
against Montana law. The jail, which is now at the center of a lawsuit, occupies
a unique place in Montana correctional law. Legally, the facility is like a
county jail, not a private prison, although its 464-bed capacity puts it more in
line with the 512-bed private prison in Shelby than with even Montana’s largest
county jails. The jail was built by the Two Rivers Port Authority, the economic
development arm of the city of Hardin, along with a group of mainly Texas
companies that have helped build private prisons in other states. As a
city-owned jail, the facility is one-of-a-kind, said Diana Koch, the Department
of Corrections’ top lawyer. No other Montana city has its own jail. It doesn’t
make sense for Montana cities to build their own jails, said Dan Schwarz,
Yellowstone County’s chief deputy attorney, because Montana law requires
counties to incarcerate all city inmates for free. Even more curious: The city
of Hardin doesn’t have a police force. All suspects arrested in Hardin are done
so by Big Horn County authorities and housed in the 36-bed Big Horn County jail.
The city of Hardin doesn’t have any of its own inmates and has no use for the
jail. Big Horn County is not part of the jail project and is not interested in
housing inmates there, said Greg Smith, executive director of the Two Rivers
Authority. That the facility is a “jail,” not a “prison,” is an important
distinction, Koch said. By law, only certain kinds of inmates can be held in
jails, including people awaiting trial and witnesses in a trial confined to be
certain they testify. Generally speaking, convicted felons remanded to the
Department of Corrections to serve out their sentences are not held in county
jails. The law does not forbid such a thing, Koch said, but it has only happened
once in the last 12 years and involved a single inmate. That lone case was
before a new section of law was passed in the 1990s that created regional
prisons and the state’s only private prison. Regional prisons are joint projects
of counties and the Department of Corrections in which the county jail shares
space with space dedicated for state inmates. The state section of the lockdown
is designed to state specifications and the state is a partner in the project
from the very beginning, Koch said. Montana has regional prisons in Great Falls
and Glendive. Montana also has one privately owned prison in Shelby built after
lawmakers in 1997 wrote a new section of law allowing such a prison. That law
spells out an exhaustive process entities must follow to become a private
prison, including obtaining a license from the Department of Corrections. Such a
license cannot be issued unless the department deems the prison necessary to
house state inmates and has money from the Legislature to house inmates there.
The Hardin prison didn’t follow those laws and is not a licensed private prison.
Under certain circumstances, out-of-state inmates like the kind Two Rivers is
courting can be housed in Montana’s private prison. The state’s regional and
private prisons didn’t solidly replace the rare possibility of housing state
inmates in jails like the Hardin lockdown, Koch said. “We just don’t foresee
that there would be a reason to do that since we have the regionals and the
private prison,” she said. “Now that we have that option, I really doubt we
would (house state inmates in a jail) again.” Smith said the jail never wanted
to house state inmates long-term. Instead, he said, the authority hoped to house
only a select subset of state inmates: recently sentenced prisoners waiting in
county jails until a cell comes open at Deer Lodge or another state correctional
facility. “Those are the ones we’ve always wanted,” he said. Those inmates can
be housed in jails and, in fact, state contracts with every county jail in
Montana to house those prisoners. Such inmates might stay in the jail from only
a few days to a few months. Last year, such inmates waited in county jails for
an average of 33 days before moving into a Corrections’ facility, Anez said. The
department has never identified a special contracted jail to house such inmates
as a need and has never appealed to the Legislature for money for such a
project. No one from Two Rivers has ever contacted the department about using
the Hardin jail for that purpose, Anez said, adding that consolidating such
temporary inmates in one location would create a transportation problem. Say a
convict was sentenced in Butte, Anez said. Why move the man to Hardin for a few
weeks only to drive him to Deer Lodge when a cell becomes available?
Additionally, the state doesn’t have enough of those inmates to begin to fill a
464-bed jail. Currently, the state had 59 men and 14 women felons waiting in
county jails.
February 13, 2008 Billings Gazette
As told by state and Hardin officials Tuesday, the history behind Hardin's
empty, 464-bed prison hinges on one enormous - and expensive - misunderstanding.
Officials from the south-central Montana town and its economic development arm,
Two Rivers Authority, told the state Corrections Advisory Council that they had
a gentlemen's agreement with Montana to house state inmates at the privately run
prison. But Bill Slaughter, former state corrections director, current agency
officials and lawmakers on the council said they never had such an agreement and
never envisioned the prison as part of the state's correctional system. "We
didn't sign any contracts with this group; there are no e-mails or promises,"
Slaughter said. "I don't know what to tell you. I was actually surprised they
were under construction." The council, headed by Lt. Gov. John Bohlinger and
composed of lawmakers and others with interests in Montana's criminal justice
system, acts only as an advisory group to the Department of Corrections. The
committee does not have the authority to change state law or approve prison
contracts with Two Rivers. Hardin city officials worked with a Texas consortium
to build and finance the $27 million prison. It was completed this summer and
promoted as a way to bring 100 new jobs to the economically depressed town at
the edge of the Crow Indian Reservation. The prison needs about 250 inmates to
make enough money to open its doors and begin to repay the millions needed to
build it, Hardin officials said. Michael Harling, one of the Texas financers of
the project, said in an interview after the meeting that the financing package
includes enough money for the prison to sit empty until May 2009. After that,
the prison would be nearing a financial crisis. But by not repaying its bonds
until then, the prison would technically be in default on its debt. State and
federal officials have said they don't need any of the prison's 464 beds, and
state law forbids the prison from housing out-of-state prisoners, according to a
recent opinion by Attorney General Mike McGrath. The Two Rivers Authority and
the city of Hardin have since sued the state, asking a Helena judge to throw out
McGrath's opinion. The city-owned prison was built without a single contract,
Hardin City Attorney Rebecca Convery told the committee, because they were told
the state wouldn't enter into contracts with a prison that wasn't yet built.
Paul Green, a Hardin businessman who worked at the city's economic development
branch several years ago when the prison was in the planning stage, said he met
with Slaughter then and walked away feeling that the state would fill the prison
if the city built it. "While there is a need, (Slaughter) said they can't sign a
contract with a facility that isn't built yet," Green said. But Slaughter and
Diane Koch, a Corrections Department lawyer, said the only way the state ever
contemplated using the prison was to temporarily house local felons after they'd
been convicted and were on their way to other state facilities. The state has
contracts with every county jail in Montana to hold felons until the state has
room for them elsewhere. "It would be maybe five or 10 inmates," Koch said, "not
enough to fill a 464-bed facility." Sen. Trudi Schmidt, D-Great Falls, a member
of the advisory council, sits on the eight-member panel that helps draft the
Department of Corrections budget. She asked Two Rivers and Hardin officials why
they didn't come to the panel's meetings in 2005 when lawmakers were crafting
the agency's two-year budget. "I guess I'm wondering why the city of Hardin
never knew what was going on in the Legislature," she said. Schmidt and others
also questioned just what kind of detention center the Hardin prison is. Montana
has one private prison in Shelby that houses mostly state inmates, under a
contract with the state. The state also has contracts to house inmates at
regional prisons in Glendive and Great Falls. Those prisons were built and owned
by the counties and function as county jails. The Hardin prison is not a purely
private prison like the Shelby facility, nor is it the Big Horn County jail,
said Greg Smith, executive director of the Two Rivers Authority. The county does
not support the prison, he said in an interview after the meeting. Convery told
the panel that the prison is city-owned but will be privately run by a
for-profit company for at least the next two years. That would make it the only
entity of its kind in the state. The authority sought out-of-state inmates after
state and federal officials said they didn't need the space.
January 23, 2008 The Gazette
The Two Rivers Detention Center was built as an investment in Hardin. But a
legal tangle with the state has left the jail unused and the security of the
investment threatened - for the people offered jobs at the jail, for Hardin's
economy and for investors who bought mutual funds that financed the $27 million
project. That means no income and no cash flow to make a $960,000 interest
payment that is due May 1. Two Rivers Authority holds $27 million in tax-exempt
revenue bonds for the detention center, some $20 million of which went into
building the facility. The bonds are not general-obligation bonds, so the
landowners of Hardin and Big Horn County won't be held responsible for
repayment. In December, the developers said that if the detention facility had
about 250 inmates by March it might be able to get money flowing and avoid
default. Lacking a court order allowing it to take out-of-state inmates and
without contracts for any inmates, it's unlikely that the facility will open in
time to stay out of financial trouble. Two Rivers Authority leaders maintain
that the Department of Corrections and a former director, Bill Slaughter,
supported the idea of the facility. However, they say, state policy has changed,
threatening the detention center's future because the state won't contract to
send Montana prisoners there. Two Rivers Authority Executive Director Greg Smith
said the state must remain consistent in its policies to maintain a good
investment culture. He said he also is concerned about the effects on out-of-
state investors - whether they are individuals whose savings is threatened by a
financial loss on bonds or a large corporate investor. "It is important that the
state really care about people who are investing in this state," he said. "We're
not the wealthiest state in this union, and we need people who want to invest in
us. "To me, somebody who is investing in Hardin is investing in the state of
Montana." Smith said the $27 million is not a huge amount of money when spread
across investors around the United States, but on the individual level the
investment could be important to those people who put their retirement or
savings into a mutual fund. "Who knows, there could be people in Montana," Smith
said. Michael Harling, executive vice president of Municipal Capital Markets
Group, an underwriter of the bonds, said the $27 million in bonds was purchased
within a few weeks of becoming available in late April 2006. If bonds go bad,
the mutual fund that is holding them is going to lose some market value, Harling
said. The effect of the loss is that every participant in the pool of investors
also loses a little. That scenario plays out only in relation to Two Rivers
Detention Center if a person is invested in a mutual fund that holds some of the
Hardin bonds, Harling said. "It's a small ripple, but it is fair to say that
people in Montana who have their savings invested in tax-exempt mutual funds
stand a chance to lose part of their asset value," he said.
December 4, 2007 Billings Gazette
The attorney general's opinion issued Monday may leave Hardin prison investors
empty-handed, but a loss won't happen overnight, the lead investment banker on
the project said. The $27 million that paid for the construction and startup
costs of the facility was issued in revenue bonds. The bond holders, or owners,
are some of the largest institutional bond funds in the U.S. that manage
billions of dollars, said Michael Harling, executive vice president of Municipal
Capital Markets group Inc., the Texas firm that underwrote the project. The
investment firm set up the transaction to secure the private activity bonds. The
bonds are tax-free because the issuer is a governmental entity - Two Rivers
Authority, the economic development arm of the city of Hardin. And because they
are repaid through revenue generated by the project, the bond holders are the
ones on the hook if no money comes in. Regardless of whether the prison ever
opens, the next interest payment, of $960,012, is due May 1. The first principal
payment of $615,000 and an interest payment of $960,012 are due Nov. 1, 2008.
Nearly $2 million in interest has already been paid on the bonds. A debt service
reserve fund - about $2.6 million - was set aside from the original funding.
That money can be used if the facility doesn't have revenue to makes payments.
However, using the fund causes difficulties. "The problem is, once that reserve
fund is tapped, it becomes an event of default," Harling said. "(A default)
casts a sort of pallor over it in the financial world. That isn't great, and we
don't want that." The funding includes about $19 million for construction that
has been paid to the designer and builder, Hale-Mills Construction of Houston.
Harling figures the facility would have to open with about 250 prisoners by
around March to have revenue flowing in time for the May 1 payment. Two Rivers
Authority has one contract in the works with the Bureau of Indian Affairs, but
it is still being completed. The contract isn't for enough prisoners to make
opening the facility feasible. In the bond project's official statement,
potential owners were warned of the risk of funding the Hardin project without
contracts that secured revenue. According to the feasibility study commissioned
by the underwriters and released in January 2006, Two Rivers had no assurance
that it would get enough contracts, or a guaranteed number of inmates, to make
its payments on the bonds. Also, the "primary market focus" was the Montana
Department of Corrections and was based on the assumption that Two Rivers would
be awarded at least one publicly bid contract, according to the study. Harling
said it was a reasonable risk because studies showed that state and federal
agencies needed prison space and the Corrections Department "indicated but
didn't guarantee it would utilize the facility," he said. That indication
apparently changed between 2005 development meetings, which Harling said
Corrections officials attended, the April 2006 issuance of bonds, groundbreaking
that June and construction completion this summer. He blames the problem on the
state of Montana and the Corrections Department. The state's refusal to allow
Two Rivers to contract with other states, specifically Wyoming, to take
prisoners led to Hardin's asking for an attorney general's opinion. That opinion
was issued Monday and affirmed that the facility can't take out-of-state
inmates. "We bought into the risk of there's sufficient inmates, because they
are out here," Harling said. "But for somebody to, as far as I'm concerned,
change the rules once we get open, is just wrong. "Or, somebody should have said
in 2005, 'By the way, it's not legal to do what you want to do,' " he said. "You
can't just stick your head in the sand after you said, 'We really like the idea
and it's a good project,' and then two years later say, 'We say it's not legal
any more.' " The two attorneys listed in the bond project's official statement
were not available for comment. Investment was a risk, study reported -- Bond
holders took a risk by funding the Hardin prison project without contracts that
secured revenue, according to a feasibility study commissioned by the
underwriters. The study by Howard Geisler, of GSA, Ltd. based in North Carolina
was completed in January 2006. Here are some of the project's "potential
obstacles to project success," from the study: • No assurances that Two Rivers
Authority would enter contracts or that any contract would yield enough money to
meet financial obligations; • TRA had no contractual guarantee that any specific
number of detainees would be held for any defined period; • TRA had no
contractual guarantee that Montana Department of Corrections would not build
more space or that other detention facilities would not be built to "service the
target market," and that the state of Montana was the primary market focus,
based on the assumption that TRA would be awarded one more publicly bid
contracts. It further states that future economic conditions, legislative change
and government policy could change the numbers of persons for which the state is
responsible or has the fiscal resources to house," the study states. "Several
federal agencies are viewed as potential users and their use level will be
dictated by government policy and budget allocations." "The factors listed above
define potentially significant risks to potential purchasers of the bonds, and
the vast majority of them are linked to influences over which the Authority (TRA)
has no meaningful degree of control," the study states. Here are the "factors
mitigating the potential obstacles" listed in the study: • The U.S. Marshals
Service uses local detention facilities across the country to house prisoners
and the Montana District needed beds. • The DOC had publicly stated that it
might need to send prisoners out-of-state because of the space crunch and was
looking for non- profit groups to build and operate specialized treatment
facilities. The total contracted bed capacity at the time was 376. • The center
is located near Billings, where the Marshals Service holds people who are
appearing in federal court. "In addition, the population concentration in the
Billings area produces a significant impact on the (DOC) with a large number of
individuals in its custody being from the area," the study states. Also, the DOC
was soliciting offers to build a methamphetamine treatment center. "The Billings
area, and particularly the nearby reservations represent a significant source of
individuals charged with offenses related to possession of this drug," it
states. • There are seven Indian reservations in Montana "Nationally, tribal
jails are in general in deplorable conditions and are typically overcrowded,"
the study states. "Native Americans also represent a significant percentage of
the (DOC) population while many Native Americans convicted of federal crimes are
housed in Federal facilities throughout the United States. To that end the
proposed center offers a resource to relieve pressures on the tribes and (DOC)
as well as to return incarcerated individuals nearing completion of their
sentences to a location nearer their home where visitations by family are
possible."
November 16, 2007 Helena Independent Record
Backers of a brand new but empty $20 million detention center in Hardin
tried Thursday to convince two lawyers on Attorney General Mike McGrath’s staff
to change a draft opinion so the jail can house out-of-state inmates. Chris
Tweeten, McGrath’s chief civil counsel, and Jennifer Anders, an assistant
attorney general who wrote the draft opinion, were noncommittal after lawyers
and an investment banker for the Hardin jail made pitches to alter the
conclusion. Attorneys for the city of Hardin and Municipal Capital Markets Group
Inc., a Dallas, Texas, investment banking firm that issued the $27 million in
revenue bonds to finance the Two Rivers Regional Detention Facility in Hardin,
will respond in writing to the draft legal opinion next week. Tweeten said the
opinion is only a draft at this point, and the attorneys haven’t made any final
recommendation to McGrath, who reviews and often makes revisions in the final
version. But, Tweeten said, “There have been relatively rare instances where we
have changed the opinion 180 degrees from where the draft is.” At issue was a
draft attorney general’s opinion requested by Rebecca A. Convery, city attorney
for Hardin. She asked whether the state Corrections Department has the authority
to decide whether convicts from out-of-state law-enforcement and correctional
agencies may be housed in a multi-jurisdictional jail like the one in Hardin.
She also inquired whether a multi-jurisdictional detention center may contract
for the confinement of prisoners committed to an out-of-state correctional
facility. The draft opinion concluded that a multi-jurisdictional jail may not
contract to house out-of-state inmates because that authority has been reserved
for the state Corrections Department under “very narrow circumstances.” There is
evidence of “a legislative intent not to allow the interstate exchange of
inmates to and from Montana,” the draft said. Convery said the Hardin facility
is not seeking permission to house convicted felons from out-of-state prisons or
the federal correctional system for the long term. Instead, she said, the Hardin
jail would be used to house post-conviction felons on a short-term basis of no
more than two years. Tom McKerlick of the Two Rivers Authority, Hardin’s
economic development arm that owns the facility, said officials believed the
project had the support of former state Corrections Director Bill Slaughter, But
he said it lacks the support of Director Mike Ferriter, who took over the state
agency in July 2006. In addition, U.S. Marshal Dwight Mackay of Montana had told
them the U.S. Marshals Service was interested in space at the Hardin facility,
but, as it turned out, the private prison in Shelby got the contract instead.
“Quite honestly, we were told by the Marshals Service and the state, you build
it and we will come,” Convery said. She said the jail has lined up some
short-term contracts from out of state, but the Montana Corrections Department
won’t allow them. Michael W. Harling of Dallas, executive vice president of
Municipal Capital Markets Group Inc., said the facility has $27 million at risk.
That was the amount of the revenue bond issue, including $20 million for the
construction, and to cover payments during a few months of transition before
opening. Every day the jail isn’t occupied it owes $7,000, he said. The jail,
designed to hold 464 prisoners, would employ 105 people with an annual payroll
of $2.5 million if filled to capacity. Tweeten asked if the jail supporters had
tried to make any changes to state law at the Legislature that might allow the
facility to hold out-of-state prisoners. The jail backers said they had no
indication that they lacked the support of the Corrections Department. D. Hull
Youngblood, an Austin, Texas, attorney representing Municipal Capital Markets
Group, took issue with the draft opinion suggesting that one section of the law
involving state prison facilities “trumps” another involving community
corrections programs. “Statutes can co-exist without overturning each other,” he
said. The draft opinion said: “The Legislature clearly intended to limit the
authority of any correctional facility or governmental agency, other than the
state through the Department of Corrections, to contract for the placement of
Montana inmates out-of-state or to receive offenders from other jurisdictions.”
It adds: “While the interstate exchange of convicted felons may be an acceptable
practice in other states or facilities, it is not one that our Legislature has
freely sanctioned.” Youngblood said the Hardin prison “was not developed,
planned and built in a vacuum.” He said much discussion took place. Tweeten
suggested the Hardin jail backers could seek clarification from the Legislature
when it meets again in January 2009.
Willacy County
Adult Correctional Facility, Raymondville, Texas
The Rainmakers Banking on private prisons in
the fleecing of small-town America. By Beau Hodai
(Click here)
October 21, 2009 Valley Central
Former Willacy County District Attorney Juan Angel Guerra has filed a
federal lawsuit against Texas State Senator Eddie Lucio, Jr. and 28
others. The former district attorney alleges that Lucio and the others
used their positions to derail an investigation into private prisons in
Willacy County. Guerra claims in his 35-page lawsuit that he secured
three corruption convictions against three Willacy County officials in
state and federal courts. The former district attorney claims he was
investigating the April 2001 death of inmate Gregorio de la Rosa when he
began to uncover a massive kickback and corruption scheme between the
private prison companies and public officials. Guerra claims then-U.S.
Attorney General Alberto Gonzales ordered then-U.S. Attorney for the
Southern District of Texas Don DeGabrielle to halt a public integrity
investigation. The former district attorney claims that several public
officials with connections to the prisons dragged his name through the
mud and raised false criminal charges that ultimately cost him a bid for
re-election and obstructed the investigation. The lawsuit names the
following defendants: • Texas State Senator Eddie Lucio • Willacy County
• City of Raymondville • Former Willacy County Judge Simon Salinas •
Raymondville Police Chief Uvaldo Zamora • Special prosecutor Mervyn
Mosbacker • Special prosecutor Gustavo Garza • Raymondville Police
Detective Daniel Cavazos, Jr. • State District Judge Migdalia Lopez •
State District Judge Janet Leal • Willacy County Sheriff’s Department
Deputy David Martinez • Willacy County District Clerk Gilbert Lozano •
Corporation Wackenhut Correction Inc. • Hale Mills Construction Inc. •
Hale Mills Construction Ltd. • James Parkey, Corplan Correction, Inc. •
Corplan Correction Inc. • Michael Harling, Municipal Capitol Market,
Inc. • Municipal Capitol Market Inc. • Ramon Vela • Phil Parker, Hale
Mission Construction • J. C. Conner, Management and raining Corporation,
Inc • Management and Training Corporation, Inc • Bill Bryan • R Scott
Marquardt, Management and raining Corporation, Inc • Texas Rangers
Captain Clete Buckaloo • Former U.S. Attorney for Southern District of
Texas Donald DeGarbrielle • U.S. Attorney for Southern District of Texas
Tim Johnson • Former U.S. Attorney Alberto Gonzales Among the
accusations are engaging in organized criminal activity, accepting of an
honorarium, abuse of official capacity, official oppression, murder and
manslaughter. The former district attorney had secured a criminal
indictment involving similar accusations against former Vice President
Dick Cheney and several others named in this new lawsuit back in
November 2008. The case was thrown out but Guerra continues to fight
against abuses in private prisons in Texas and other states.
June 28, 2009 Brownsville Herald
It took about five years, but state Sen. Eddie Lucio Jr. seems to
have phased out his paid consulting jobs for construction and
engineering firms. Last year, however, he still received at least
$25,000 in consulting fees from the Houston-based TEDSI Infrastructure
Group, according to his personal financial statement on file with the
Texas Ethics Commission. "I was fulfilling a prior obligation on a
contract that I had with TEDSI which expired in 2008," Lucio wrote in a
statement to The Brownsville Herald Wednesday. Lucio, D-Brownsville, did
not say what he did for the firm, but in 2002 said that he would set up
meetings and introduce the firm to officials in Brownsville. In 2004
amid mounting criticism of possible conflicts of interest, Lucio told
the Herald that he would phase out consulting for firms that do business
in the Rio Grande Valley and the state. Besides consulting for TEDSI,
Lucio also was retained by CorPlan Corrections of Dallas, Management &
Training Corp. of Utah, Aguirre Inc. of Dallas, and Dannenbaum
Engineering Corp. of Houston. At the start of 2005, Lucio severed ties
with CorPlan, Aguirre, and MTC amid federal inquiries into the federal
detention center in Willacy County. A Webb County commissioner and two
former Willacy County commissioners were convicted of bribery. Companies
involved in the project were not accused of any wrongdoing. Lucio also
stopped consulting for Dannenbaum, which he said he introduced to the
Brownsville Navigation District. The BND paid Dannenbaum $15.4 million
of $21.4 million spent toward developing a still non-existent
international bridge at the Port of Brownsville. But, he continued
consulting for TEDSI until last year. Lucio's prior financial statements
show that in 2007 TEDSI paid him from $10,000 to $24,999 and $25,000 or
more in prior years. Lucio had been on CorPlan's payroll since 1999.
Aguirre, MTC and Dannenbaum then contracted him, but in interviews prior
to 2004 he wouldn't specifically say when or how much each paid him. It
was not until 2004 that Lucio started specifically listing the companies
that retained him in his financial statements and these, coupled with
prior interviews with the senator, reflect that the five firms paid him
at least $340,000. Embattled former Willacy County District Attorney
Juan Angel Guerra obtained an indictment against Lucio last year,
charging him with profiting from the elected office. Administrative
Judge Manuel Bañales Jr. dismissed the indictment following arguments
from Lucio's attorney, Michael R. Cowen, that the indictment was
defective and that Guerra was seeking revenge against those who he
perceived to be his political enemies.
December 13, 2008 Brownsville Herald
This year's Willacy County grand jury investigation into alleged
criminal activity surrounding for-profit prisons and high-profile public
officials is not the first, and District Attorney Juan Angel Guerra said
it is tied to an earlier investigation. A federal inquiry resulting in
convictions in 2005 stirred up a dust storm in Raymondville when it
looked into a money-for-votes and bribery scheme to favor firms involved
in the Willacy County Adult Correctional Center, a project that started
in 2000. The firms, which did business in Texas and were involved in the
project, were CorPlan Corrections, Aguirre Inc., Management & Training
Corp., and Hale-Mills Construction, according to Guerra and public
records. That federal investigation resulted in the bribery conviction
of former Webb County commissioner David Cortez - identified in federal
court records as the representative of "a company" - who gave $39,000
over three years from 2000 to 2003 to several officials to secure their
votes on the Commissioners Court for the firm's participation in the
jail project. However, that firm is never mentioned by name in the court
record. Federal officials would not discuss the case, so the reason for
the omission could not be learned. Among the officials who received
money in return for favoring a jail consultant - also unnamed in the
court record - and whom Cortez represented were Israel Tamez of
Raymondville, at that time a Willacy County commissioner, and the late
Jose Jimenez of Sebastian, also a Willacy commissioner. Cortez, Tamez
and Jimenez all pleaded guilty, the federal court record shows. U.S.
District Judge Andrew S. Hanen sentenced Tamez to six months in jail,
three years probation and a $25,000 fine. Cortez was sentenced to three
months in jail, followed by a period of six months of home confinement,
two-years probation and a $25,000 fine. Jimenez died in 2006, while
Cortez and Tamez were sentenced in late 2006 and directed to serve their
sentences last year. The unnamed companies were never charged. The dust
storm never quite settled after those convictions. Court records show
that a series of continuances delayed when the sentences would begin.
Tamez did not serve his sentence until last year. Jimenez was convicted
but died before sentencing. In reference to the Jimenez and Tamez cases,
Assistant U.S. Attorney Jim McAlister told the court in the fall of
2005: "Both defendants are actively cooperating in helping the
government identify and prosecute other individuals involved in unlawful
activity. The investigation is ongoing and both defendants are expected
to continue their efforts in assisting the government. The government
and the defendants agree that sentencing Mr. Tamez and Mr. Jimenez at
this time could result in a miscarriage of justice." McAlister's motions
to continue Cortez's case are sealed. However, federal court records
show that Cortez gave money to yet a third elected official, so that he
would favor corporate interests involved in the design, construction,
financing, maintenance and management of the Willacy correctional center
that was to house federal inmates. During Cortez's sentencing in 2006,
his lawyer, Mike DeGeurin Sr., of Houston, told Hanen: "I think, to
convince people that he (Cortez) is still a person you can count on to
get things done, he (Cortez) makes some payments to Mr. (Israel) Tamez
and a couple of others - two other commissioners that, we'll leave their
names unspoken." However, Jimenez was the only other person charged,
aside from Cortez. There were believed to be additional conspirators,
known and unknown, the federal record shows. Neither the third
commissioner to which DeGuerin referred, nor the other conspirators that
McAlister referred to in 2005, was never mentioned by name or location
in court documents and was not part of the court record. DeGeurin did
not respond to a recent request for comment. Tamez's attorney, John
David Franz, of McAllen, also could not be reached for comment.
Jimenez's lawyer, Nemecio E. Lopez Jr. of Harlingen, declined to talk
about the case. Enter Guerra and his investigation into the management
and operation of for-profit prisons in Willacy County, which led to the
recent indictments of, among others, U.S. Vice President Richard B.
Cheney, former U.S. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales and state Sen.
Eddie Lucio Jr., D-Brownsville. The indictment charges Cheney and
Gonzales with profiteering from the jails and neglect of conditions due
to self-interest. The indictment against Lucio charged him with
influence peddling in receiving consulting fees from the firms for
services he would not have been requested to provide were it not for his
official position. Guerra now says the FBI and Texas Rangers told him in
2006 that "higher-ups" in both agencies directed their agents to halt
the federal inquiry into the original money-for-votes and bribery
scheme. Spokeswomen for the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern
District of Texas declined to comment on Guerra's allegations, and Tela
Mange of the Texas Department of Public Safety said no one in the
department knew anything about Guerra's allegations, including the Texas
Rangers. The FBI did not return a request for comment. Guerra says that
he reopened the investigation because he wants to ensure justice is done
before he leaves office at the end of this month. "If I know that a
crime has been committed, I have to make a diligent effort to make sure
that the crime is addressed in my tenure. My job is to make sure that
criminals don't get away. That is what a prosecutor does," he said.
James M. Parkey, president and founder of CorPlan, on Monday verified
for the Brownsville Herald that Cortez had been one of the firm's
consultants, but said he had not known of any payments from Cortez to
Tamez, Jimenez or others. "Our position is that Mr. Cortez pleaded
guilty," said CorPlan's lawyer, Edmundo O. Ramirez, of McAllen. There is
no other position, he said. Public records - yearly financial statements
that the Texas Ethics Commission requires of elected officials - show
that Lucio was one of CorPlan's consultants. The Nov. 17 indictment
against Lucio alleges that because of his position he received
consulting fees from six firms, including CorPlan Corrections, Aguirre
Inc., Management & Training Corp. , and Hale-Mills Construction. Guerra
said the firms were tied to the Willacy County 500-bed jail project,
which county commissioners approved in 2000. Parkey said he was not at
liberty to disclose the services Lucio provided his firm without Lucio's
consent. Lucio told The Brownsville Herald in 2002 that he received
consulting fees from the firms for introducing them to public officials
and setting up meetings. In 2002, Parkey said, "Public relations doesn't
require a product in terms of written material. He (Lucio) keeps our
name in front of people." Texas Ethics Commission records show that
Lucio listed receiving at least $135,000 or more from CorPlan
Corrections, Aguirre Inc. and Management & Training Corp. in 2003 and
2004. Hale-Mills is not on the list. Lucio also told The Brownsville
Herald in 2002 and again in 2005 that he had been consulting for CorPlan
since 1999 and that Aguirre and Management & Training Corp. soon
contracted with him for consulting, marketing and public relations. He
would not say at that time when or how much money each company paid him.
It was not until 2004 that Lucio reported the companies in his personal
financial statements to the Texas Ethics Commission, which requires that
officials list retainers and sources of income. Lucio's chief of staff,
Paul Cowen (uncle of Lucio's lawyer, Michael R. Cowen) said in 2002 that
the fees had been reported, but under the umbrella of Rio Shelters Inc.,
a firm owned by Lucio that provides advertisements on bus shelters.
Hale-Mills and Aguirre Inc. did not return a request for comment
Tuesday, and Carl Stuart, communications director for Management &
Training Corp., said, "We just don't make comment on pending
litigation." During the inquiries in 2005, Lucio wrote to CorPlan
Corrections, Aguirre Inc. and Management & Training Corp. advising them
he was taking a leave of absence because news reports had named the
three companies as those involved in the building and management of the
facilities in Willacy County. Lucio at that time brought copies of his
letters to the Brownsville Herald. Cowen, Lucio's lawyer, on Monday said
he has instructed his client not to comment "as long as Mr. Guerra is in
office." Contrary to his client's Nov. 17 indictment, which presiding
District Judge J. Manuel Bañales dismissed Dec. 1, Lucio did not do
consulting work for Hale-Mills, Cowen stressed. (Bañales also threw out
the indictments against Cheney and Gonzales on Dec. 1.) "In fact, we ask
the public to take all of Mr. Guerra's accusations with a grain of salt,
and to consider the misrepresentations he has already been caught making
under oath in this case," Cowen said in a written statement to The
Brownsville Herald. Cowen said he and the senator are disappointed that
Guerra continues his vendetta against Lucio, even after the court
dismissed all charges against the senator. Lucio has to do outside work
to earn a living, Cowen said, noting that the senator is paid only $600
a month by the for his legislative services. Cowen said Lucio earns less
than the minimum wage, and cannot support his family on $7,200 a year.
"However, he has been very careful to ensure that any work he does is
not only legal, but also wholly ethical," Cowen said in a written
statement. Lucio has gone to great lengths to ensure that the consulting
work complies with all legal and ethical requirements, Cowen said,
noting that he requested a formal attorney general's opinion on whether
a legislator can provide consulting, marketing and public relation
services to clients who have dealings with government officials. Cowen
said Lucio also consulted with two attorney generals, the Texas Ethics
Commission and hired a private attorney to ensure that his business
affairs followed the law. In a July 2003 opinion, Texas Attorney General
Greg Abbott told Lucio that laws do not categorically prohibit a
legislator from representing a client's interests before government
officials or entities. Still, Abbott said, legality depends on the
specific facts of a case. Abbott wrote that Lucio did not elaborate on
the nature of his clients' businesses nor on his dealings and
communications on their behalf. Furthermore, whether a public servant's
outside employment creates a conflict of interest frequently requires
resolving fact questions, which is beyond the purview of the opinion
process, Abbott's opinion states. Abbott wrote that a legislator should
be aware of the provisions in Chapter 36 of the Texas Penal Code. A
legislator may not solicit or accept any benefit unless it falls within
one of the exceptions recognized by the code, the opinion states. Abbott
noted that the primary exception allows a legislator to accept fair
compensation for work performed in a capacity other than as a public
servant. "Should you have a specific concern, you may wish to consult
with private counsel," Abbott advised Lucio. Lucio told The Brownsville
Herald in 2002 that he did not consult with an attorney. Cowen on Monday
said that Lucio provided legitimate services to the firms that
contracted him. "Senator Lucio has nothing to hide, and is happy to have
a competent, unbiased prosecutor review all of the evidence in this
matter. Unfortunately, Mr. Guerra's words and actions show him to be
neither unbiased nor competent," Cowen said. Guerra vehemently denies
that his charges against Lucio are part of a vendetta against the
senator. "The problem with Eddie Lucio is that he has not explained what
he does for these companies," Guerra said. During a recent court
hearing, Guerra said that if a jury found companies hired Lucio because
he is a senator and not because of services he provided "then that's
kickbacks and that's it." On Thursday Guerra said, "He (Lucio) says that
he has permission from the attorney general, but the attorney general
opinion did not give him permission (to receive fees from the firms).
And then he said he got permission from the Texas Ethics Commission, and
he has not produced one document showing that. The accusation that I
have a vendetta is a smokescreen." Bañales on Dec. 1 dismissed all
charges against the high-profile defendants. And Wednesday, he removed
Guerra from bringing any further charges in the cases against Lucio and
others in which he has a "clear bias and prejudice." However, even
though Guerra appears hamstrung in his proclaimed quest for justice, the
saga may be nowhere near an end. DA Pro Tem Alfredo Padilla, whom
Bañales appointed to review the indictments, said Thursday that he wants
to present all of the evidence that Guerra gathered to a new grand jury,
which will be impaneled early next year.
December 8, 2008 Valley Morning Star
District Attorney Juan Angel Guerra said Monday that state Sen. Eddie
Lucio's elected position conflicts with his job as a consultant for
companies that work within his jurisdiction. Guerra said he believes
that companies hire Lucio because of his position as a state senator and
that Lucio uses his influence to obtain the consulting work. "These
people are hiring him because of his position and not because of his
skills," Guerra said in an interview. "There's no way to justify it."
Lucio could not be reached for comment Monday afternoon. Guerra said
that Lucio could work as a consultant but not within his state Senate
District 27, that includes Cameron, Kenedy, Kleberg, Willacy and part of
Hidalgo counties. Lucio was first elected in 1991. But Edmundo Ramirez,
a McAllen attorney who represents Ronald Holmes, an attorney for CorPlan
Corrections in Dallas, one of the companies for which Lucio is a
consultant, noted the Texas Ethics Commission has sanctioned Lucio's
work as a consultant. "The ethics commission has found nothing wrong
with those payments," said Ramirez said, referring the consulting fees
Lucio is paid. Lucio owns an advertising and public relations firm in
Brownsville. "Sen. Lucio gets hired because of what he brings to the
table," Ramirez said. "He's a PR man. He's a good one. He brings value
to the table. "Regardless of what Mr. Guerra believes, (payments) are
legal and have been properly reported by Sen. Lucio. The law is the
law." The Texas Attorney General's Office sanctioned Lucio's work as a
consultant in a legal opinion issued in July 2003. Texas law states that
"it must be the services rendered and not the status of the public
servant rendering the services that is of value to the person for whom
the services are performed," the Attorney General's opinion noted.
CorPlan, a prison consulting company, requested on Monday that a judge
quash Guerra's subpoena that orders the company to appear in court
Wednesday. Guerra said he wants CorPlan to appear in court to disclose
the nature of the services it pays Lucio to perform. Last month, Guerra
pushed for grand jury indictments against Lucio, Vice President Dick
Cheney, former U.S. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales and several local
elected officials. State District Judge Manuel Bañales threw out those
indictments. But Michael Cowen, Lucio's attorney, believes Guerra will
try to re-indict Lucio before Guerra's fourth term expires Dec. 31. The
grand jury is set to meet Friday for its last scheduled session before
its term expires Dec. 31, District Clerk Gilbert Lozano said. Cowen will
request that Bañales on Wednesday disqualify Guerra as prosecutor,
arguing Guerra's "personal animosity toward Lucio creates a conflict of
interest." Guerra filed subpoenas on Dec. 5 to order CorPlan, Management
and Training Corp., Aguirre Inc., Hale Mills Corp., TEDSI Infrastructure
Group Inc. and Dannenbaum Engineering Corp. to appear in court. Lucio
has worked as a consultant for these companies. CorPlan, Management and
Training Corp., Aguirre and Hale Mills are companies that worked on a
$14.5 million prison project that was the focus of a bribery scandal
that led to the convictions of former Willacy County commissioners
Israel Tamez and Jose Jimenez and former Webb County Commissioner David
Cortez.
September 19, 2008 Valley Morning Star
Willacy County residents make up more than half of employees at a
county-owned prison and a detention center that holds illegal
immigrants, said the company that runs the operations. Criminal
background checks screen out about 2 percent of people who apply for
jobs at the 525-bed prison and the 3,000-bed detention center, said Carl
Stuart, a spokesman for Management and Training Corp. in Centerville,
Utah. But three years after the detention center opened, the local job
pool is "tapped out," Stuart said in an e-mail. Now the company recruits
more employees from outside the county, he said. County residents make
up about 73 percent of employees at the detention center that the
company operates for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Stuart
said. The country's largest illegal immigrant detention center employs
about 700 workers, said Jackie Roberson, Raymondville's economic
development manager. The detention center pays starting wages of about
$9.36 an hour, Stuart said. Locals make up about 53 percent of employees
at the county-owned prison that holds prisoners for the U.S. Marshals
Service, Stuart said. The prison pays starting salaries of about $17 per
hour. The prison employs about 200 workers, Roberson said.
August 28, 2007 Valley Morning Star
Willacy County Commissioner Aurelio Guerra on Monday questioned a
contract that could pay more than $27 million to the company that runs
an illegal immigrant detention center here. Wednesday, members of the
Willacy County Local Government Corp., the non-profit organization that
oversees the 2,000-bed detention center, will travel to Dallas to close
a deal that’s expected to hire Management Training Corp. to run a
1,000-bed expansion. The $111.5 million contract with the U.S.
Immigration and Customs Enforcement would pay Utah-based MTC a “fixed
annual fee” of $27.4 million when the detention center’s average monthly
inmate count falls below 2,500, the contract states. The government
would pay MTC $27.4 million plus $4.42 a head for each illegal immigrant
when the detention center’s average monthly inmate count exceeds the
2,500 mark, the contract states. “It can be one inmate and we’re
obligated to pay $27 million,” Guerra said. “In past agreements, there
weren’t fixed fees.” Under a current agreement, a federal contract pays
MTC $27.75 a head for each illegal immigrant held in the 2,000-bed
detention center that averages about 1,500 detainees a month. But the
contract does not bind the county to pay MTC $27.4 million a year, said
Michael Harling of Municipal Capital Markets Group in Dallas. The
contract would not tap into the revenue that the county needs to repay
its debt, Harling said. First, the government’s money will go to pay the
county’s debt, Harling said. Then it will go to pay the county, he said.
“To the extent there is enough money, they will pay MTC,” Harding said.
February 25, 2007 AP
The engine of the old, borrowed camper chugs away in the parking lot of
the county jail – three goats, a rooster and a horse alongside. It is
the temporary home and office of Willacy County District Attorney Juan
Angel Guerra. Mr. Guerra, 52, has brought down public officials and
continues investigations. Most recently, he filed – and then dropped –
motions to have the sheriff and two elected officials removed from
office. Now, he says, they're all out to get him. A special prosecutor
raided his office recently and filed public theft charges against Mr.
Guerra. They were dropped Friday. Depending on whom you talk to, Mr.
Guerra is either a lone-wolf champion for South Texas justice or a
chronic malcontent with some shady dealings of his own. "He's just been
fighting with us for so many years," said Paul Cowan, chief of staff for
state Sen. Eddie Lucio. "Anything you want to do, he wants to fight it,
fight it, fight it. We have no problems working with any other
officials. The problem lies with him." In 1991, with just two years'
experience practicing law in a mechanic's garage, county commissioners
appointed Mr. Guerra to fill in after the incumbent district attorney
died. He began investigating the big landowners and business owners for
crimes such as embezzlement and receiving double federal payments for
fictitious crop losses. Now, Mr. Guerra has gone after the contractors
involved in building private jails. County, state and federal lockups,
and now the huge pods of the 2,000-bed immigration detention center,
make a bleak campus on the former farmland. Mr. Guerra's investigation
into a bribery scheme involving federal prison contracts led to guilty
pleas by three former Willacy and Webb county commissioners. Mr. Guerra
now says he wants to know more about Mr. Lucio's consulting contract for
the prison company that built the $60 million federal complex of
tent-like domes. Mr. Lucio said Mr. Guerra was upset about legislation
he passed that left the county with only one state district judge –
Migdalia Lopez, one of the officials Mr. Guerra wanted out of office.
Mr. Lucio would not disclose his consulting fees for the prison deal but
said they were "modest" and legal. He said the prison had been a win for
the county. "We've brought more than a thousand jobs to that county, and
Johnny Guerra has not brought one," he said. Mr. Guerra says another
company was prepared to build the facility for $35 million. "In six
weeks they spent $60 million," he said. "There's no way that thing cost
$60 million." Two weeks ago, Mr. Guerra skipped court to go to Austin
and look for a sympathetic ear. When he came back, a special prosecutor
appointed by Judge Lopez had taken Mr. Guerra's computers and many of
his files. Mr. Guerra now maintains he can't do his work. According to
Judge Lopez's order appointing the special prosecutor, a grand jury
complained that Mr. Guerra was pressuring them for an indictment in a
sexual harassment case. The special prosecutor is Gustavo Garza, Mr.
Guerra's four-time political opponent. Mr. Garza recently charged Mr.
Guerra with three counts of felony theft by a public servant and one
misdemeanor obstruction charge for trying to prevent officers from
searching his office, but a judge Friday dropped the charges. Mr. Guerra
has threatened to dismiss hundreds of cases in retaliation, but so far
only four have been dropped. Townspeople don't know what to make of it.
"It's a mess," said Polo Gracida, who came to watch court on Tuesday. "I
don't know whether he's a hero or not. We're definitely due for a
change."
November 22, 2006 Express-News
The last of three county commissioners who pleaded guilty to a
$39,000 bribery scandal involving contracts for a new federal detention
facility in the Rio Grande Valley has been sentenced. Former Webb County
Commissioner David Cortez, 72, of Laredo was sentenced Tuesday in
federal court in Brownsville to three months in prison for funneling the
bribes in 2002 to former Willacy County Commissioners Jose Jimenez of
Sebastian and Israel Tamez, 60, of Raymondville in exchange for
favorable votes in the selection of contracts for the 500-bed federal
detention center here. U.S. District Judge Andrew Hanen also ordered
Cortez to a two-year term of supervised release, including six months of
house arrest. He was fined $25,000. Jimenez died before sentencing.
Tamez, 60, was sentenced to six months in prison, three years of
supervised release and a $25,000 fine. All three had faced 20 years in
prison. Sheriff Larry Spence said the case had "drug out for so long."
"I was surprised of the sentencing, but at the same time I am glad that
they are getting finalized," he said. But it's still unclear if the case
is over because authorities haven't made public where the money
originated. Authorities have requested anyone else involved to come
forward like the commissioners did, but no additional arrests have been
made. A spokeswoman for the U.S. attorney's office in Houston declined
to comment. Officials have said the companies hired to either design,
build or manage the facility, which opened in 2003, were the Dallas-area
firms CorPlan Corrections LTD and Aguirre Inc., along with Management
Training Corp. of Centerville, Utah, and Hale-Mills Construction of
Houston. Municipal Capital Markets Group Inc, of Dallas, underwrote the
bonds. "It seems like all the people that have investigated this thing,
if there was somebody else in there that they would have been found,"
said Mike Harling, executive vice president of the investment firm. He
said public records showed Cortez was hired by CorPlan, but he suspected
he could have made the bribe on his own will. No company employees have
been charged. "Just because you hire somebody, and hire in the liberal
sense, doesn't mean that you are responsible," Harling said. "If you
haven't asked them to go out and bribe somebody, if they choose to do
that and choose not to tell you, what can you say?" Cortez resigned from
the Webb commission at the time of his guilty plea in 2005. Webb County
Judge Louis Bruni said the case is a sad example of a bad decision.
November 9, 2006 AP
A former Willacy County commissioner was sentenced to six months in
federal prison Thursday for taking bribes in return for votes on a
federal prison contract. Israel Tamez, 60, of Raymondville, also must
pay a $25,000 fine and serve three years probation after his release.
Tamez and former Willacy County Commissioner Jose Jimenez of Sebastian
pleaded guilty in January 2005 to conspiracy to commit bribery. Tamez
admitted receiving cash payments totaling $10,000 for voting to select
particular companies to design, build, maintain and manage the prison.
Charges against Jimenez were dismissed earlier this year after he died.
July 23, 2006 Express News
The Willacy County attorney is speaking out against his county's new
contract for a massive detention center because he said it involves
companies still under a cloud from the 2004 bribery convictions of three
elected officials. Juan Angel Guerra also accuses veteran Sen. Eddie
Lucio Jr., D-Brownsville, of going back on his word by continuing to
represent the same firms. Former Willacy County Commissioners Israel
Tamez and the late Jose Jimenez were convicted in 2004 of accepting
bribes in exchange for favorable votes regarding a 600-bed prison that
opened in Raymondville, the county seat, in 2003. The third convicted
official, Webb County Commissioner David Cortez, was an associate of
CorPlan Corrections, a consulting company at the time of the prison
project. Cortez was accused of funneling the bribe money for favorable
votes on contracts. No company employees, however, have been charged.
Federal prosecutors wouldn't comment on the case, but observers believe
the investigation is ongoing because the commissioners' sentencing dates
have been pushed back several times. Meanwhile, the same firms are
building a 2,000-bed detention facility near the same prison. Willacy
commissioners voted 3-2 on Monday to approve $60.6 million in bonds for
the new facility, which is on a fast-track construction schedule to
house mostly non-Mexican undocumented immigrants in a series of tentlike
structures for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE.
Utah-based Management Training Corp., or MTC, will operate the facility;
Houston-based Hale-Mills Construction Inc. is building it; and
Argyle-based CorPlan is consulting on the project, said Guerra, who is
the county and district attorney. A May 27, 2005, letter from
commissioners to the county's nonprofit corporation set up to oversee
the federal prison project asked it to "terminate its contractual
relationship with CorPlan," because a Willacy County lawsuit against the
firm alleged it was involved with the bribes. "Now they are asking me to
sign a contract that includes CorPlan," Guerra said. "I told the
commissioners you can't have it both ways. First you pass the resolution
saying you don't want to deal with CorPlan. Now you do a contract that I
know for a fact includes CorPlan. So we are back to square one." The
lawsuit was dropped in April. County Judge Simon Salinas said he wasn't
aware of the letter and resolution that prompted it. It's probably too
late anyway, he added. "The contract is already signed, the work is
already begun," he said. Regardless, Salinas said, the county can't
proceed under the assumption that leaders of the companies are
criminals. "In this country we are innocent until proven guilty," he
said. "And nobody out there pressed charges against the companies. ...
Just because these (commissioners) plead guilty doesn't mean everybody
in the world is guilty." Guerra favored Tennessee-based Corrections
Corporation of America, or CCA, which offered to finance the detention
facility on its own rather than through the county. He said the
commissioners initially favored CCA, but later picked MTC. Commissioner
Noe Loya said Guerra "is trying to find every excuse to hire CCA, and
change our minds, but it's over." Guerra said he met with Lucio two
weeks ago and the veteran lawmaker pushed MTC. "I asked him, 'Are you
talking to me as my senator or as an employee of one of these
companies?'" Guerra said. "He told me he was talking to me as a
consultant." Lucio said he met with Guerra because it "appeared that he
had quite a bit of influence on the Commissioners Court." Lucio said he
told Guerra he favored MTC because it treats its employees well. Lucio
said he thought CorPlan had been cleared because the lawsuit filed on
behalf of Willacy County against James Parkey, president of CorPlan, was
dropped and there have been no other arrests. Parkey did not return a
call seeking comment. "My main focus on talking with Johnny (Guerra) was
trying to sell him on the fact that MTC was a very reputable company,"
Lucio said. "I feel very comfortably speaking on their behalf and asking
them to consider us and that was my main focus." According to the Texas
Ethics Commission, Lucio reported in 2005 that MTC and CorPlan paid him
a total of at least $50,000 through his Brownsville company, Rio
Shelters Inc. In the wake of the bribery scandal, Lucio said he had
stopped representing the firms and wouldn't again until the matter was
cleared up. "I know there has been a case, a problem, a situation there
where somebody associated with (Parkey) out of Laredo was indicted and
convicted," Lucio said, referring to Cortez. "But when the lawsuit
against him was dropped, I felt that he was exonerated." Told that the
bribery investigation may still be open, he said: "If it is, I am not
aware of it." Asked if he was being paid by MTC or CorPlan for
encouraging the detention center contract, he said: "It's up to them if
they feel I did a good job." Lucio said it was "very hard to draw a fine
line" between his job as a lawmaker and his private work, but added: "I
can tell you this: I do my best." "I get paid $600 a month to be a state
senator, and I do it just about on a full-time basis," he said. Damon
Hiniger, a vice president of CCA in Tennessee, said he was surprised by
the county's decision because CCA was going to invest its own money, pay
about $1.8 million in property taxes, and shoulder the risk. Judge
Salinas said he was influenced by the bottom line, nothing more. "I have
nothing against CCA, they are a good reputable company, but they are in
the business to make their own bucks," he said. The detention facility
is to open Aug. 1 with 500 beds, and then have 1,500 more available Oct.
1. It is part of President Bush's Secure Border Initiative.
May 25, 2005 Valley Star
Willacy County commissioners will request that the Willacy County
Public Facilities Corp. break its contract with a company that is a
defendant in a county lawsuit. But rankled members of the Public
Facilities Corp. (PFC) said they would stand by their vote to hire
Corplan Corrections, a prison consultant in Irving. If PFC members
refuse the request, commissioners could remove them, County Attorney
Juan Angel Guerra said Tuesday, following commissioners’ request on
Monday that the PFC terminate its contract with Corplan Corrections. On
May 12, the PFC voted to hire Corplan to begin work on a 500-bed
addition to a $14.5 million federal prison. The project’s cost had not
been estimated, officials said. On May 13, Willacy County filed a
lawsuit against Corplan and Hale Mills Inc., the contractor in the
prison project. Willacy County formed the PFC as a nonprofit
organization charged with the development of the prison project. In the
lawsuit filed by attorney Ramon Garcia, the Hidalgo County judge,
Willacy County claims illegal action voided the contract that led to the
prison’s construction. The prison project has been the focus of an
ongoing federal bribery investigation that has led to the convictions of
two former Willacy County commissioners and a former Webb County
commissioner.
May 21,
2005 Valley Star
The Willacy County Public Facilities Corp.’s decision to hire a
company that is a defendant in a Willacy County lawsuit could jeopardize
the case, District Attorney Juan Angel Guerra said Friday. On May 12,
the Public Facilities Corp. hired Corplan Corrections to expand the
$14.5 million federal prison, a project that sparked a bribery scandal
that led to the convictions of two former Willacy County commissioners
and a former Webb County commissioner. The move would lead to the
construction of a 500-bed addition to the prison, which opened with 500
beds in late 2003. The project’s cost had not been estimated,
officials said. A day later, on May 13, Willacy County filed a lawsuit
against Corplan, an Irving consulting firm, and Hale Mills Inc., a
Houston contractor, claiming illegal action voided the contract that led
to the prison’s construction. "It’s premature to enter into
further contracts with those companies, especially with a pending
lawsuit," Guerra said. Willacy County formed the Public Facilities
Corp. as a nonprofit organization charged with development of the prison
project. The Public Facilities Corp. owns the prison. Attorney Ramon
Garcia, the Hidalgo County judge who filed the lawsuit on behalf of
Willacy County, declined to comment on whether the Public Facilities
Corp.’s action jeopardized the lawsuit. "I’ve been hired to
represent parties regarding the facility that’s already been
constructed," said Garcia, who Guerra said was working on a
contingent fee that would pay him 40 percent of any damages awarded.
"These are separate and distinct transactions." In the
lawsuit, Willacy County claims former Webb County Commissioner David
Cortez worked as a consultant to the two companies when he funneled
about $39,000 to "several" Willacy County commissioners. In
turn, former Willacy County Commissioners Israel Tamez and Jose Jimenez
agreed to vote to select the companies for the project, the lawsuit
claims. In March, U.S. District Judge Andrew Hanen convicted Cortez of
funneling about $39,000 in bribes to "several" Willacy County
commissioners in exchange for their votes to hire a consultant in the
prison project. In January, Hanen convicted Tamez and Jimenez after they
pleaded guilty to taking more than $10,000 in bribes in the project. An
ongoing federal and state investigation is expected to lead to charges
against at least one other Willacy County elected official, authorities
have said.
May 18, 2005 AP
Willacy County has filed a lawsuit against two companies involved in
a $14.5 million federal prison project that became entwined in a bribery
scheme. The civil lawsuit was filed last week in state district court
against Corplan Corrections of Argyle and Hale Mills Inc. of Houston.
The suit claims the companies conspired to bribe county commissioners to
select them for the construction project. Although the lawsuit does not
specify damages, District Attorney Juan Angel Guerra said the
financially troubled county could get title to the prison. "The
contract would be null and void, so technically the prison would end up
belonging to the county free of charge," Guerra said in Thursday
editions of the Valley Morning Star in Harlingen.
March
25, 2005 San Antonio Express-News
A third former South Texas county commissioner charged in connection
with a bribery scandal surrounding a detention facility in the Rio
Grande Valley was convicted Thursday in Brownsville. Authorities said
others could be charged. David Cortez, 70, of Laredo, a former Webb
County commissioner, was charged, pleaded guilty and was convicted
Thursday of conspiring to "obstruct, delay and affect
commerce" for his role in helping secure a contract for the Willacy
County Adult Correctional Center in Raymondville. He waived his right to
have a grand jury investigate. The charge accused him of funneling at
least $39,000 to help a consulting firm get part of the job. Cortez is
cooperating with the FBI in an ongoing investigation, authorities said.
He was released on a personal recognizance bond and is scheduled to be
sentenced June 28. He faces a maximum penalty of 20 years in federal
prison. The name of the consulting company he secured the bids for was
not released. Two former Willacy County commissioners, Jose Jimenez of
Sebastian and Israel Tamez of Raymondville, pleaded guilty Jan. 4 to
accepting bribes of $10,000 or more for their votes awarding contracts
to build the 500-bed detention facility used for federal inmates.
Willacy County Sheriff Larry Spence said the Dallas-area firms CorPlan
Corrections LTD and Aguirre Inc., along with Management & Training
Corp. of Centerville, Utah, and Hale-Mills Construction of Houston, were
the companies hired to either design, build or manage the Raymondville
facility, which opened in 2003. "Most of these guys have worked
together on several projects," Spence said. Asked to confirm that
Cortez had worked for CorPlan, the firm's director, James Parkey, said
by phone, "I have no comment on that. Obviously that's a tickly
subject and I could refer you to my attorney." According to a
charging document, "several Willacy County commissioners did
solicit and receive things of value" from Cortez "in exchange
for providing advantages not available to others interested in and
competing for the selection of a consultant" for the facility.
"It was further part of the conspiracy that several Willacy County
commissioners did agree to tacitly and implicitly to provide (Cortez)
and other corporate representatives with assurances in their
capacity" as commissioners, that Cortez and the company he
represented "would receive favorable consideration" in
exchange for money, the document states. The commissioners agreed to
accept the money in June 2000 and were paid around October 2002,
according to court records.
February
10, 2005 Valley Star
Willacy County officials are "disappointed" in the U.S.
Marshals Service’s placement of inmates in the federal prison that
they built to bolster the county budget, County Judge Simon Salinas said
Wednesday. This week, the inmate count stood at about 313 in the 500-bed
prison, up from an average of about 260 from October to December,
Sheriff Larry Spence said. But county officials had based their $3.8
million general fund budget on near-capacity inmate counts projected to
generate $300,000. "They’re hitting us in the pocketbook,"
Salinas said. As part of an agreement, Management & Training Corp.,
the private firm that runs the prison, pays the county $2 a day for each
federal inmate housed in the county-owned prison. County officials
expected the inmate count to jump after last month’s meeting with U.S.
Marshal Ben Reyna. Jan. 4, Spence and State Sen. Eddie Lucio,
D-Brownsville, traveled to Reyna’s office in Washington, D.C., to
discuss the drop in inmates. Lucio participated as a consultant to
Management & Training Corp., the company that manages the prison. A
year-end money crunch led the Marshals Service to transfer inmates to
jails with lower housing costs, Spence said. In 2000, county
commissioners entered into a contract to build the $14.5 million prison
after the Marshals Service solicited the construction of a South Texas
prison to hold its inmates. The prison opened in October 2003. Last
month, a U.S. district judge convicted former County Commissioners
Israel Tamez and Jose Jimenez after they pleaded guilty to taking more
than $10,000 in kickbacks in the prison project.
February
7, 2005 San Antonio Express-News
State Sen. Eddie Lucio Jr., D-Brownsville, made the right decision by
suspending his business ties, even if only temporarily, with three
contractors connected to a federal detention facility at the center of a
criminal investigation in the Rio Grande Valley. He should make it
permanent. In announcing his decision, the South Texas legislator said
he did not want any misperceptions about his business dealings. Lucio,
president and CEO of Rio Shelters Inc. a marketing and advertising
agency, has been on the payroll of the three companies involved in that
public construction project for several years. His primary job was to
introduce company officials to power brokers in the Rio Grande Valley.
In interviews with the Brownsville Herald, Lucio said he has worked with
CorPlan Corrections of Argyle, Aguirre Inc. of Dallas and the Management
and Training Corp. of Centerville, Utah, since 1999 earning about
$100,000 a year. If that is so, why didn't his employment with the three
companies appear on his financial disclosure statements filed with the
state until 2004? Lucio is correct when he says it is all about
perception for a politician, and omitting vital information about his
employers on his state officeholder reports raises serious questions.
January
20, 2005 Brownsville Herald
State Sen. Eddie Lucio Jr. on Tuesday temporarily suspended his
consulting work for three companies involved with constructing and
managing a Willacy County federal detention center — the focus of a
federal bribery investigation. Lucio, D-Brownsville, told The
Brownsville Herald on Wednesday that he has taken a “leave of
absence” from representing James Parkey’s CorPlan Corrections of
Argyle, Pedro Aguirre’s Aguirre Corp. of Dallas, and J.C. Conner’s
Management and Training Corp. (MTC) of Georgetown, until the federal
inquiry in Willacy County concludes. Lucio said he would reassess the
relationship with the firms that pay him about $100,000 a year combined.
The federal investigation already has resulted in the Jan. 4 convictions
of Willacy County commissioners Jose Jimenez of Sebastian and Israel
Tamez of Raymondville for accepting at least $10,000 in bribes in
exchange for their votes in awarding contracts for the center’s
construction. U.S. Attorney Michael Shelby has not charged the corporate
representatives who allegedly bribed Jimenez and Tamez. Companies
involved in the project also have not been accused of any wrongdoing.
Lucio said Wednesday that he has been on CorPlan’s payroll since 1999
and that the other two firms soon contracted him. He wouldn’t say when
or how much each specifically has paid him for marketing the firms and
introducing them to public officials. The Herald found, however, that it
was not until 2004 that Lucio reported the companies in his financial
statements. Asked if he believed that the companies would pay him more
than $100,000 a year were he not a senator, Lucio said that “it might
seem like a lot of money, and it is in our area of the state, but there
are senators and representatives that are making much more money on one
case than I do in one year. So, I am not ashamed of what I make. I
worked for that.”
January
13, 2005 Valley Morning Star
State Sen. Eddie Lucio on Wednesday stood behind his work as a
consultant for a company involved in a $14.5 million federal prison
project in Willacy County. Last week, Lucio was working as a consultant
for Corplan Corrections and Management & Training Corp. (MTC) when
he went to Washington D.C., to discuss a recent drop in the federal
prison’s inmate count with U.S. Marshals Service Director Ben Reyna.
The prison project has become the subject of an investigation that led
to the conviction of two Willacy County officials of taking bribes from
at least one of the companies involved in the design and construction of
the prison, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office. No company has
been named as the source of the bribes. The prison has been struggling
to maintain the number of federal inmates it houses. A decline in the
number has hurt Willacy County financially. The county for months has
been struggling to keep from plunging into debt. MTC requested the
meeting with Reyna, Willacy County Sheriff Larry Spence said, since the
Marshals Service sends federal inmates to the prison. "I think it
helped. It kind of opened the door," said Spence, who traveled to
Washington, D.C. with Lucio and County Commissioner Noe Loya. Lucio’s
connection to the prison goes back for several years. In 1999, Lucio
"introduced" Corplan Corrections to Willacy County
commissioners as they began to plan for a federal prison here, Lucio
said of the Argyle consulting firm that worked to develop the project.
Among Lucio’s clients is Aguirre Construction, the Dallas firm that
designed the federal prison. Lucio also works as a consultant for MTC,
the Utah firm that manages the prison. Last week, U.S. district Judge
Andrew Hanen convicted former Willacy County Commissioners Israel Tamez
and Jose Jimenez of taking more than $10,000 in kickbacks in the federal
prison project. Federal prosecutors charged Tamez and Jimenez received
kickbacks "from particular corporate representatives who were
selected in the competition" for the prison project. The 500-bed
prison’s inmate count dropped from near-capacity in early October to
about 240 in December, Spence said, noting MTC pays the county $2 for
every prisoner. The financially embattled county projected $300,000 in
federal prison money to boost its $3.8 million general fund budget. A
year-end money crunch led the Marshal’s Service to transfer inmates to
prisons with lower housing costs, Spence said.
January 13,
2005 Brownsville Herald
Three companies with ties to state Sen. Eddie Lucio Jr., D-Brownsville,
worked on the construction of the federal detention center in Willacy
County, which is now the subject of an federal investigation into
bribes. Inquiries already netted the Jan. 4 convictions of Willacy
County commissioners Jose Jimenez, 67, of Sebastian, and Israel Tamez,
58, of Raymondville. They each pleaded guilty to accepting $10,000 or
more in bribes from corporate representatives involved in the design,
construction, financing, maintenance and management of the detention
center, according to U.S. Attorney Michael Shelby. According to public
records, the primary companies involved in the project include jail
consultant Corplan Corrections of Argyle, design-builder Hale-Mills
Construction of Houston, Aguirre Corp. of Dallas, and the Management and
Training Corp. (MTC) of Utah, which manages the detention center.
Federal Election Commission records also identify Corplan’s James M.
Parkey as an architect with Aguirre Corp. Lucio has been on Corplan’s,
Aguirre’s and MTC’s payroll for about four years for marketing,
public relations and consulting work. He remains on the payrolls of at
least Corplan and MTC, The Brownsville Herald found Wednesday. Asked
if he was involved in wrongdoing, Lucio answered without hesitation.
“Of course not,” he said. “You don’t even have to ask that.” In
a prepared statement, Shelby said the two commissioners admitted to
accepting a series of bribes from June 2000 through March 2003 in
exchange for their votes awarding contracts for the construction of the
detention center. In June 2000, The Brownsville Herald reported that
Lucio authored legislation in 1999 clarifying that counties can enter
into a contract with a private vendor for the design, management or
construction of jails. Lucio was a consultant for MTC in 2000, which had
been vying for the Cameron County detention center project. Lucio told
The Brownsville Herald in 2002 and 2004 that Corplan, Aguirre, MTC and
other firms contracted him for marketing, public relations and
consulting work. He said this included introducing and setting up
meetings with local governmental officials. Lucio’s 2003 financial
statement filed in 2004 with the Texas Ethics Commission reflects that
Aguirre paid him $10,000 to $24,999; TEDSI $25,000 or more; Corplan
$25,000 or more; and MTC $25,000 or more. Lucio
declined to tell The Brownsville Herald on Wednesday the specific amount
of money Corplan and MTC paid him. He confirmed that he continues on
their payroll, however.
January 8,
2005 Valley Morning Star
Willacy County commissioners
will consider hiring attorney Ramon Garcia, Hidalgo County’s judge, to
investigate whether there are grounds to sue companies involved in a
federal prison project that paid kickbacks to two former commissioners.
Friday, an attorney representing a company involved in the prison
project vehemently denied Corplan Corrections was involved in any
wrongdoing. Monday, commissioners will consider hiring Garcia to
investigate whether there are grounds to file a civil lawsuit against
companies involved in the $14.5 million federal prison and the current
development of a $7.5 million county jail. "We’re not going to
tolerate companies coming in to take advantage of small counties and
offering kickbacks and going on like it’s business as usual,"
District Attorney Juan Angel Guerra said. "Whoever offers kickbacks
is just as guilty as those taking kickbacks."
Tuesday, U.S. district Judge Andrew Hanen convicted former
commissioners Israel Tamez and Jose Jimenez of taking more than $10,000
in kickbacks in the federal prison project. Under the law, contracts
that involve illegal activity are void, Guerra said. "Someone gave
them that money," County Judge Simon Salinas said. "Whoever
made these guys get dirty, they’re going to go down, too. I want them
to pay for it. Someone’s going to take them on in the courtroom."
The county could win "millions" of dollars in damages because
a financial firm involved in the project has sold about $25 million in
bonds — about $10 million more than the prison’s $14.5 million cost,
Guerra said. But that bond
money was used to pay interest, said Edmundo Ramirez, a McAllen attorney
representing Corplan Corrections, a consultant in the federal prison
project. Willacy County Federal
Detention Center, Raymondville, Texas
June 28, 2009 Brownsville Herald
It took about five years, but state Sen. Eddie Lucio Jr. seems to
have phased out his paid consulting jobs for construction and
engineering firms. Last year, however, he still received at least
$25,000 in consulting fees from the Houston-based TEDSI Infrastructure
Group, according to his personal financial statement on file with the
Texas Ethics Commission. "I was fulfilling a prior obligation on a
contract that I had with TEDSI which expired in 2008," Lucio wrote in a
statement to The Brownsville Herald Wednesday. Lucio, D-Brownsville, did
not say what he did for the firm, but in 2002 said that he would set up
meetings and introduce the firm to officials in Brownsville. In 2004
amid mounting criticism of possible conflicts of interest, Lucio told
the Herald that he would phase out consulting for firms that do business
in the Rio Grande Valley and the state. Besides consulting for TEDSI,
Lucio also was retained by CorPlan Corrections of Dallas, Management &
Training Corp. of Utah, Aguirre Inc. of Dallas, and Dannenbaum
Engineering Corp. of Houston. At the start of 2005, Lucio severed ties
with CorPlan, Aguirre, and MTC amid federal inquiries into the federal
detention center in Willacy County. A Webb County commissioner and two
former Willacy County commissioners were convicted of bribery. Companies
involved in the project were not accused of any wrongdoing. Lucio also
stopped consulting for Dannenbaum, which he said he introduced to the
Brownsville Navigation District. The BND paid Dannenbaum $15.4 million
of $21.4 million spent toward developing a still non-existent
international bridge at the Port of Brownsville. But, he continued
consulting for TEDSI until last year. Lucio's prior financial statements
show that in 2007 TEDSI paid him from $10,000 to $24,999 and $25,000 or
more in prior years. Lucio had been on CorPlan's payroll since 1999.
Aguirre, MTC and Dannenbaum then contracted him, but in interviews prior
to 2004 he wouldn't specifically say when or how much each paid him. It
was not until 2004 that Lucio started specifically listing the companies
that retained him in his financial statements and these, coupled with
prior interviews with the senator, reflect that the five firms paid him
at least $340,000. Embattled former Willacy County District Attorney
Juan Angel Guerra obtained an indictment against Lucio last year,
charging him with profiting from the elected office. Administrative
Judge Manuel Bañales Jr. dismissed the indictment following arguments
from Lucio's attorney, Michael R. Cowen, that the indictment was
defective and that Guerra was seeking revenge against those who he
perceived to be his political enemies.
December 6, 2008 Brownsville Herald
The dismissal last week of indictments against a host of elected
officials, including state Sen. Eddie Lucio Jr., in a Raymondville
courtroom did not signal the end of attorney Michael R. Cowen's trips to
this city of about 10,000 people. If Willacy County District Attorney
Juan Angel Guerra sees himself as the biblical "David," as he has
described himself, Lucio's attorney, Cowen, would be his "Goliath" this
week. Both will square off Wednesday during a hearing before District
Judge J. Manuel Bañales. Pundits predict that there will be plenty of
slings. Guerra said he aims to show at the hearing that consulting fees
Lucio received from six firms were illegal and not earned. Most of the
firms did work associated with private prisons in Willacy County.
Instead, Guerra maintains that the only reason the firms paid Lucio is
because he has the word "senator" before his name. Cowen has said
previously that Guerra is "vindictive" and his animosity against the
senator rises to a conflict, rendering the DA incapable of pursuing any
charges leveled at the senator. Guerra issued subpoenas Friday against
the firms that purportedly paid Lucio, D-Brownsville, consulting fees,
including the firms Management and Training Corp., CorPlan Corrections,
Aguirre Inc., Hale Mills Corp., TEDSI Infrastructure Group, Inc. and
Dannenbaum Engineering Corp. They were directed to attend the Wednesday
hearing and provide documentation, including contracts with Lucio for
his services. Public records from the Texas Ethics Commission show that
Lucio received at least $300,000 from five of the firms from 2003
through 2007. It could not be confirmed if Lucio received money from
Hale Mills Corp. as the grand jury indictment maintains. Lucio suspended
his services to CorPlan Corrections, Management and Training Corp. and
Aguirre Inc. in January 2005 amid the bribery convictions of two Willacy
County commissioners and subsequently a Webb County commissioner,
according to documents that Lucio provided to The Brownsville Herald.
The commissioners were convicted in a bribery and money-for-votes scheme
relating to construction and management of the Willacy Adult
Correctional Center. The companies were not charged. Cowen did not
respond to a request for comment for this story. A grand jury indicted
Lucio Nov. 17 for accepting fees from the firms from January 2005
through September 2008, alleging that they paid him only because he is a
senator. The indictment charged that Lucio ". . . has, with this action,
made a personal profit as a result of his holding said office as a Texas
senator for District 27." Bañales dismissed the indictment Dec. 1,
agreeing with Cowen's contentions, including that the six-count
indictment did not that Lucio had willingly, knowingly, or recklessly
engaged in the alleged conduct. Guerra's goal is also to show that the
Nov. 17 grand jury did not indict Lucio because of Guerra's
vindictiveness or anger toward Lucio, but because there is evidence to
support the jury's indictment that Lucio profited from his elective
office contrary to law. Whether or not Bañales in the 10 a.m. hearing
allows Guerra to present evidence against Lucio or if representatives of
the firms even show up is up in the air.
July 26, 2006 Valley Morning Star
The county may be spending more than necessary to build a new
detention center for illegal immigrants, Willacy County Attorney Juan
Angel Guerra charged Monday. Guerra said that the companies behind the
$60.6 million detention center over-billed the county by more than $15
million. Other companies could have constructed the project's 10
Kevlar-covered domes for $30 million to $35 million, Guerra said.
"Nobody questioned it," Guerra said of county commissioners who voted
3-2 last week to borrow $60.6 million to build the 2,000-bed detention
center. "The price is just ridiculous. Nobody did a comparison," Guerra
said. "They spend more time when they buy a truck or a tractor, to call
dealerships to see if they can get a better deal." Last month,
commissioners entered into a two-year contract with the U.S. Department
of Homeland Security to build the detention center that's part of a
national crackdown on illegal immigration. In a contract, companies
behind the project put the cost of construction materials at $20 million
and the labor costs at $30 million, Guerra said. Commissioners planned
to issue about $50 million to fund the project. But costs jumped to
$60.6 million to include $3 million to buy equipment to operate the
detention center, $3 million to set up a reserve fund and $3 million in
interest payments. Guerra pointed to four areas in which he said the
contractor "inflated" costs. While Kevlar material costs $3.3 million,
the contractor billed the county for $4.6 million, Guerra said. While
the contractor billed the county for $3.6 million to prepare the 53-acre
site for construction, other companies said they could have done the job
for $1.6 million, Guerra said. The contractor billed the county for $2.8
million for sewer work, but other companies said they could have done
the job for $800,000. And other companies said paving the asphalt
parking lot would cost $150,000, the contractor billed the county for
$400,000, Guerra said. "We cannot justify these costs," Guerra said.
July 23, 2006 Express News
The Willacy County attorney is speaking out against his county's new
contract for a massive detention center because he said it involves
companies still under a cloud from the 2004 bribery convictions of three
elected officials. Juan Angel Guerra also accuses veteran Sen. Eddie
Lucio Jr., D-Brownsville, of going back on his word by continuing to
represent the same firms. Former Willacy County Commissioners Israel
Tamez and the late Jose Jimenez were convicted in 2004 of accepting
bribes in exchange for favorable votes regarding a 600-bed prison that
opened in Raymondville, the county seat, in 2003. The third convicted
official, Webb County Commissioner David Cortez, was an associate of
CorPlan Corrections, a consulting company at the time of the prison
project. Cortez was accused of funneling the bribe money for favorable
votes on contracts. No company employees, however, have been charged.
Federal prosecutors wouldn't comment on the case, but observers believe
the investigation is ongoing because the commissioners' sentencing dates
have been pushed back several times. Meanwhile, the same firms are
building a 2,000-bed detention facility near the same prison. Willacy
commissioners voted 3-2 on Monday to approve $60.6 million in bonds for
the new facility, which is on a fast-track construction schedule to
house mostly non-Mexican undocumented immigrants in a series of tentlike
structures for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE.
Utah-based Management Training Corp., or MTC, will operate the facility;
Houston-based Hale-Mills Construction Inc. is building it; and
Argyle-based CorPlan is consulting on the project, said Guerra, who is
the county and district attorney. A May 27, 2005, letter from
commissioners to the county's nonprofit corporation set up to oversee
the federal prison project asked it to "terminate its contractual
relationship with CorPlan," because a Willacy County lawsuit against the
firm alleged it was involved with the bribes. "Now they are asking me to
sign a contract that includes CorPlan," Guerra said. "I told the
commissioners you can't have it both ways. First you pass the resolution
saying you don't want to deal with CorPlan. Now you do a contract that I
know for a fact includes CorPlan. So we are back to square one." The
lawsuit was dropped in April. County Judge Simon Salinas said he wasn't
aware of the letter and resolution that prompted it. It's probably too
late anyway, he added. "The contract is already signed, the work is
already begun," he said. Regardless, Salinas said, the county can't
proceed under the assumption that leaders of the companies are
criminals. "In this country we are innocent until proven guilty," he
said. "And nobody out there pressed charges against the companies. ...
Just because these (commissioners) plead guilty doesn't mean everybody
in the world is guilty." Guerra favored Tennessee-based Corrections
Corporation of America, or CCA, which offered to finance the detention
facility on its own rather than through the county. He said the
commissioners initially favored CCA, but later picked MTC. Commissioner
Noe Loya said Guerra "is trying to find every excuse to hire CCA, and
change our minds, but it's over." Guerra said he met with Lucio two
weeks ago and the veteran lawmaker pushed MTC. "I asked him, 'Are you
talking to me as my senator or as an employee of one of these
companies?'" Guerra said. "He told me he was talking to me as a
consultant." Lucio said he met with Guerra because it "appeared that he
had quite a bit of influence on the Commissioners Court." Lucio said he
told Guerra he favored MTC because it treats its employees well. Lucio
said he thought CorPlan had been cleared because the lawsuit filed on
behalf of Willacy County against James Parkey, president of CorPlan, was
dropped and there have been no other arrests. Parkey did not return a
call seeking comment. "My main focus on talking with Johnny (Guerra) was
trying to sell him on the fact that MTC was a very reputable company,"
Lucio said. "I feel very comfortably speaking on their behalf and asking
them to consider us and that was my main focus." According to the Texas
Ethics Commission, Lucio reported in 2005 that MTC and CorPlan paid him
a total of at least $50,000 through his Brownsville company, Rio
Shelters Inc. In the wake of the bribery scandal, Lucio said he had
stopped representing the firms and wouldn't again until the matter was
cleared up. "I know there has been a case, a problem, a situation there
where somebody associated with (Parkey) out of Laredo was indicted and
convicted," Lucio said, referring to Cortez. "But when the lawsuit
against him was dropped, I felt that he was exonerated." Told that the
bribery investigation may still be open, he said: "If it is, I am not
aware of it." Asked if he was being paid by MTC or CorPlan for
encouraging the detention center contract, he said: "It's up to them if
they feel I did a good job." Lucio said it was "very hard to draw a fine
line" between his job as a lawmaker and his private work, but added: "I
can tell you this: I do my best." "I get paid $600 a month to be a state
senator, and I do it just about on a full-time basis," he said. Damon
Hiniger, a vice president of CCA in Tennessee, said he was surprised by
the county's decision because CCA was going to invest its own money, pay
about $1.8 million in property taxes, and shoulder the risk. Judge
Salinas said he was influenced by the bottom line, nothing more. "I have
nothing against CCA, they are a good reputable company, but they are in
the business to make their own bucks," he said. The detention facility
is to open Aug. 1 with 500 beds, and then have 1,500 more available Oct.
1. It is part of President Bush's Secure Border Initiative.
July 20, 2006 Valley Morning Star
State Sen. Eddie Lucio resumed consulting work
with a company that he says offers Willacy County hundreds of jobs and a
steady flow of revenue for years to come. Last year, Lucio suspended
business with Management Training Corp. and two other companies involved
in the development of a $14.5 million prison project that was the focus
of a federal bribery investigation. That investigation led to the
convictions of former Willacy County commissioners Israel Tamez and Jose
Jimenez. In letters to the companies, Lucio wrote he was taking "a leave
of absence" from consulting work "until this matter is resolved." At the
time, Lucio asked the Texas Attorney General's Office and the state
Ethics Commission to review his work as a consultant. "I can do business
with companies that do business with the federal government," Lucio said
the agencies determined. Lucio resumed work for MTC as the company
sought a Willacy County contract to operate a $60.6 million detention
center to hold illegal immigrants. Last week, commissioners voted 3-2 to
give MTC a two-year contract to operate the detention center. "They're
an outstanding operation," Lucio said of the Utah-based company that
operates a 525-bed county-owned prison here. Lucio declined to disclose
his fee. Monday, commissioners voted 3-2 to issue $60.6 million in bonds
to build the detention center that's part of the U.S. Department of
Homeland Security's crackdown on illegal immigration. "I think Willacy
County will come out ahead," Lucio said. "I think it's a wonderful
opportunity for hundreds of jobs." Lucio said his work with MTC was
limited to a meeting with County Attorney Juan Angel Guerra. In the
meeting, Lucio talked 30 to 45 minutes with Guerra, who recommended that
commissioners hire Corrections Corporation of America, which proposed
working with investors to fund the project's costs. "He had questions
whether MTC was a reputable company," said Lucio, who owns Rio
Consulting in Brownsville. "He was very, very out to get the
commissioners to hire CCA. All we did was talk about the qualifications
of MTC and why it would be a better deal." Under MTC's contract, the
county will own the detention center, Lucio said. "It's a ($60) million
asset at the end," Lucio said, referring to county payments that run
through 2009. "This is going to be a ... facility for the future. They
can continue the same situation. I'm going to push MTC to make sure they
fulfill the wishes of Willacy County. What we need to do is insure that
inmates are brought to that facility." Lucio said he stood behind
company projections that show the federal government will fill the
detention center with more than 1,800 illegal immigrants. "The federal
government is in dire need," Lucio said of detention center beds. County
commissioners Aurelio Guerra and Abiel Cantu voted against hiring MTC
because they questioned whether the federal government could fill the
detention center with illegal immigrants for which the company would pay
at least $2.25 a head. But steps such as hiring more U.S. Border Patrol
agents and the placement of National Guard troops along the border will
increase arrests of illegal immigrants, Lucio said. "Even President Bush
is beefing up the border," he said. "(But) nothing is going to stop
people from (crossing the border) to seek the American dream. I think
more people are going to get caught." Cantu and Aurelio Guerra also
voted against the company's hiring because they argued that the federal
government would restrict the county from spending detention center
revenues on county expenditures. Lucio said he did not know the
specifics of the contract. "That's up to the Commissioners Court to look
into the specifics of the contract," he said. Lucio denied Juan Angel
Guerra's claim that he was working for Corplan Corrections, an
Irving-based prison consulting firm, in the detention center project.
Juan Angel Guerra said Lucio told him that he worked for James Parkey,
Corplan's president. Last year, Lucio said he suspended ties with
Corplan, MTC and Aguirre Corp. of Dallas after Tamez and Jimenez pleaded
guilty to taking more than $10,000 in bribes in exchange for votes to
hire a consultant in the $14.5 million prison project that the companies
helped to develop. Lucio said he resumed work with Corplan after McAllen
attorney Ramon Garcia, Hidalgo County's judge, dropped a lawsuit against
Corplan and Houston-based Hale Mills construction in April. "When they
were exonerated ... it cleared the path," Lucio said. "I work for them
anytime I like to. I like Mr. Parkey. He's a good man. As far as I'm
concerned, he's a reputable person." However, Lucio said his work with
Corplan did not involve the detention center project. Last month,
Willacy County commissioners entered into a two-year contract with
Homeland Security to construct tent-like domes to hold 500 beds by Aug.
2. As part of the contract, the detention center will expand to 2,000
beds within 90 days.
July 16, 2006 Valley Morning Star
Federal officials said last week that it's not their intention to fill up a
2,000-bed detention center that would hold illegal immigrants before
deportation. But Willacy County commissioners are banking on a private prison
company that claims the federal government will pay the county nearly $12
million to house 2,000 prisoners there. "I can't guarantee those numbers," Nina
Pruneda, spokeswoman for the U.S. Department of Homeland Security's Immigration
and Customs Enforcement in San Antonio, said of the inmate count. "It's not a
question of filling beds," she said. "It's making sure we have operational beds
ready." The $50 million detention center made up of 10 Kevlar-covered domes is
part of the federal government's national crackdown on illegal immigration,
officials said. Last month, county commissioners entered into a two-year
contract with Homeland Security in the construction of tent-like domes to house
500 beds by Aug. 2. As part of the contract, the detention center would expand
to 2,000 beds within 90 days. This month, commissioners picked Utah-based
Management Training Corp. to operate the detention center. But the Willacy
County Local Government Corp., a nonprofit board organized to oversee the
project, failed to ratify the contract. Thursday, commissioners held off on the
issue of $50 million in bonds amid concerns that the federal government may not
fill up the detention center with prisoners for whom it would pay a daily rate
per detainee. In South Texas, the new detention center would boost the number of
beds open to illegal immigrants to 5,200, Pruneda said. The agency decided to
build the Willacy County detention center rather than expand its detention
center in Port Isabel, which houses 800 beds, Pruneda said. "The decision to
open a facility in Willacy was an operational decision," she said. Wednesday,
consultants warned that the federal government would likely restrict the county
to the expenditure of "administrative" fees of as little as $2.25 a day per
prisoner. The "county's current approach may open the county to substantial
liability to the federal government," warned the law firm of Akin Gump Strauss
Hauer & Feld of Washington, D.C. The consultants noted the federal contract
specifies the county "shall not charge for costs which are not directly related
to the housing and detention of detainees." "It specifically identifies costs
for which the county may not charge, such as certain salaries, indirect costs
and services and facilities that are not used by the federal detainees," the
consultants wrote. The consultants cited a case in which Homeland Security
required Pennsylvania's York County to return as much as $58.5 million after it
allegedly spent detention center revenue on unauthorized expenses.
July 12, 2006 Valley Morning Star
The new detention center for illegal immigrants may not be the financial
windfall that county officials imagine, the county attorney said. Willacy County
Attorney Juan Angel Guerra warned commissioners that the federal government may
restrict the spending of money generated by a new $50 million detention center.
A contract with the U.S. Department of Homeland Security restricts spending to
the detention of illegal immigrants, Guerra told commissioners. "It is very
clear that you have to justify every single amount of money and if you can't
justify it, the money goes back" to Homeland Security's U.S. Immigration and
Customs Enforcement, Guerra told commissioners in a Monday meeting. Last month,
the county entered into a contract with Homeland Security to sell $50 million in
bonds to develop a 2,000-bed detention center to house illegal immigrants. In
the meeting, Guerra warned that Homeland Security required Pennsylvania's York
County to return as much as $58.5 million allegedly spent on unauthorized
expenses.
July 6, 2006 San Antonio Express-News
Willacy County officials haven't formally decided who will get to build the
state's largest immigration detention facility — but that hasn't stopped a
Houston company from beginning work on the massive project. Hale-Mills
Construction has had crews at the site of the planned $50 million jail for the
past two weeks, leveling land and pouring concrete for the foundation. The
company began working on the 2,000-bed facility after county officials signed an
agreement June 19 with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to house
detainees. Without a county decision on how to pay for it or, more importantly,
who would be hired to build it, Hale-Mills began clearing a cotton field in
Raymondville the next day. County officials are working out other details, such
as how the county will pay for the facility's construction and if Hale-Mills
will build it, Vela said. County Judge Simon Salinas said the company is working
at its own risk and has no guarantees it will be chosen to finish the job. The
county formed the public facilities corporation to issue $50 million in lease
revenue bonds to investors to fund construction. Although no bonds have been
issued and the county hasn't identified the corporation's governing board, that
board is set to meet today to pick officers, consider hiring Vela as its lawyer
and consider approving a contract with Hale-Mills. It will also consider hiring
a private jail company to operate the facility after it is completed.
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